Gráficas de Resistencia: El Salvador 1970–1992 

Todos los septiembres desde 1821 hasta la fecha de hoy, se intenta evocar en nosotros 

sentimientos de amor patrio y civismo. Pasamos por nuestras escuelas escuchando y repitiendo la misma versión acerca de nuestra independencia de España. Ni siquiera es necesario su estudio, reflexión o mayor discusión. Los desfiles son la prioridad. Es ya otra común celebración como cualquier otra celebración cultural, o religiosa. Un olvido académico completo de los estragos sociales, culturales que significó la colonización para nuestros pueblos. 

Pero también puede decirse que septiembre es una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre toda nuestra historia, tan llena de batallas, de luchas, de sacrificios, de rupturas, de luchas que nos han dignificado y nos han dado cierta identidad cultural como pueblo resiliente, rebelde, siempre en busca de libertad, de justicia, de democracia, de soberanía, de paz y de independencia. 

Para hablar de gráficas de resistencia es necesario contextualizar su aparición, su desarrollo, su vigencia. Aquí estamos tratando de hacer un esfuerzo por reconocer no solo esa tradicional fiesta patria, pero también otras fechas importantes en nuestra historia reciente. Me refiero tanto como a las insurrecciones indígenas de 1833, o la insurrección de 1932,—hasta una de las más recientes rupturas históricas que vivió nuestro país: la guerra civil como es llamada por muchos historiadores, que inició y se desarrolló abiertamente en el año 1980. (Sus antecedentes fueron los continuos fraudes electorales ejecutados por sucesivas dictaduras militares y la represión política contra las organizaciones sociales y cualquiera que reclamara un básico derecho humano: salud, vivienda, educación, trabajo digno). 

Esta guerra terminó con un acuerdo de paz entre la dictadura civil militar y la insurgencia popular, fueron acuerdos auspiciados por las Naciones Unidas y ratificados por dos continuas asambleas legislativas de nuestro país en enero de 1992. Mas de 80,000 muertes fue el costo que nuestra sociedad pagó por esos acuerdos de paz. –Asi se cerró un período de conflicto que duró más de 20 años. Ese acuerdo abrió paso a la democratización de nuestra actual sociedad. 

La otra reciente ruptura histórica es la que vivimos actualmente: Esta ruptura inicia con la llegada al poder de nuestro actual gobernante. La persecución política y la represión se vuelve a reestablecer como forma de eliminar enemigos, y reprimir protestas. Se hacen cambios a nuestra constitución política de forma autoritaria, sin mayor debate, y sin ningún consenso nacional. La corrupción administrativa ha adquirido nuevas formas y se ha vuelto práctica normal. Se establece como práctica fiscal la ausencia de transparencia en el uso de los fondos del estado. El país se ha endeudado como nunca en su historia, La deuda pública ya alcanzó en junio pasado a casi $35,000 millones. el 28% del PIB (Producto Interno Bruto) se usa para pagar esa deuda. Nuestro país ha sido descaradamente ofrecido a los Estados Unidos para la construcción de cárceles, y para alojo de prisioneros en lo que puede caracterizarse como una pérdida de dignidad nacional y soberanía. 

Todo lo anterior es un conjuro de condiciones que empieza a acumularse y se refleja en el agravamiento de las condiciones de vida de los más necesitados. Esta más reciente ruptura histórica también merece ser objeto de reflexión de todos y todos los salvadoreños. Es el pasado reciente el que se está repitiendo con nuevas formas y mañas. 

~ 

Yo quisiera hacer una corta reseña de la lucha que se desarrolló en los años 80 y 90: En aquél entonces nos enfrentábamos, – primero a una dictadura militar, – que se convirtió después en militar/civil. Estas dictaduras fueron apoyadas militar, política y económicamente por los Estados Unidos. 

En el contexto de ese enfrentamiento se desarrolló un elemento importante, –la lucha no solo era en el terreno militar, cubrió muchos frentes y niveles de nuestra sociedad. Uno de esos frentes fue la información y propaganda, un componente de eso fue lo que se identificó como “guerra psicológica”, parte de la guerra de contrainsurgencia, esta buscaba afectar la moral, la percepción y sobre todo la conducta de los insurrectos y sus simpatizantes, y se realizaba a través de todos los medios disponibles: prensa, televisión y radio principalmente, es de notar aquí que la mayoría de ellos eran propiedad de familias oligárquicas. 

Como contraparte la insurgencia salvadoreña también hizo uso de cuanto medio fue posible para comunicar, denunciar, educar, organizar, resistir y avanzar. La disputa por los corazones y las mentes de todos los sectores de nuestra sociedad fue hecha por la insurgencia a través de razonamientos y propuestas amplificadas por medios de comunicación construidos durante la lucha misma, todo eso fue acompañado de movimientos culturales y artísticos que crearon sus propios espacios. 

Todas las organizaciones que conformaron la alianza que dirigió esa insurgencia, el FMLN construyeron sus propios medios de comunicación. Todos hicieron periódicos revistas, material impreso educativo y organizativo. La comunicación visual era considerada parte fundamental de ese esfuerzo. Una de esas organizaciones fue el ERP –quienes crearon una estructura especializada para ello –le llamaron COMIN: Comando Internacional de Información, con una dirección descentralizada tenía presencia en Mexico, Nicaragua, El Salvador y Estados Unidos. muchos internacionalistas europeos y latinoamericanos colaboraron con ella. 

Radio Venceremos fue su instrumento comunicativo radial, pero también hicieron Televisión, Cine, Revistas, Periódicos, Libros, incursionaron en otras ramas artísticas como el Teatro, la Música y la producción de Afiches. Dentro de esa estructura un pequeño colectivo bajo la dirección de Rafael Lemus (Lito), Chente (campesino de Morazán) y Roland (Internacionalista francés) explotó en creatividad en la producción de afiches. Buena parte de los afiches que están colgados en las paredes de esta galería fueron hechos por ellos, unos son originales y otros son reproducciones. La serigrafia fue su técnica favorita, sus afiches están cargados de imágenes fotográficas en alto contraste donde predomina la figura humana y el texto necesario para entregar el mensaje.  

El otro medio que utilizaron fue la impresión a offset, sobre todo los producidos en Mexico en donde tenían mayor acceso al equipo y los materiales. Observando esos afiches uno descubre no solo las formas, sino la estampa gráfica de las características de esa guerra: combatientes armados; mujeres, hombres, jóvenes, llamados a la insurrección, denuncias de capturas, denuncias de violaciones de convenciones internacionales, denuncias de violaciones a los derechos humanos y civiles. 

Todo eso fue y es gráfica de resistencia. Observen un pequeño poster del tamaño doble carta, tinta negra y roja con la figura de un campesino alzando una cuma, está hecho con técnica de esténcil cortado a mano en donde la tinta es depositada con un trapo hecho nudo, le llamaban “chuponeado”. Una técnica en la que cualquier superficie puede ser utilizada como lienzo para reproducir la imagen. 

Eso ni se enseña, ni se aprende en aulas, sino en la lucha, en la calle. 

Es un afiche que reclama derechos laborales, en el contexto de la celebración del primero de mayo, día de los trabajadores, es una clara imagen de rebeldía y resistencia. Algunos de esos afiches rescatan imágenes hechas en el siglo pasado, como es el caso donde aparece una mujer con un niño o niña en sus brazos, en color negro, en una acción que muestra protección y que grita ¡resistencia!. Esa imagen es un grabado en linóleo de una artista mexicana que se llama Andrea Gómez. –lo hizo en 1957. Un taller en San Francisco de nombre “La Raza Graphics” uso la imagen, son sus autores, el taller dejo de existir en 1995. Es de notar también que casi la misma imagen se repite de la misma forma a color y con técnica serigráfica en un afiche sin texto donde una niña se funde en un abrazo con una mujer combatiente. Las dos imágenes le hablan al que las observa invitándonos a conversar con ellas. 

El poster que exige la libertad de los presos políticos hecho por las Ligas Populares 28 de febrero, –la primera vez que lo vi fue en las paredes del mercado Modelo en San Salvador–. —Ese poster había sido pegado por todo el centro de San Salvador. La gente preguntaba por los nombres de quienes estaban en las fotos.  

Las gráficas de resistencia tienen objetivos específicos, y muchas no se hacen con pretensiones artísticas o estéticas, ni para decorar salas, por lo general siempre son las que acompañan las luchas de los trabajadores. Pero hay otras que nos insinúan las búsquedas de identidad cultural, todas cobijadas por un mismo espíritu de rebeldía.  

Es de hacer notar que muchos más artistas participaron en la creación de ellas usando otros medios: oleos, acrílicos, dibujos a lápiz, murales, estampados en madera, en semillas, en tela, es siempre nuestro pueblo artesano haciendo uso de la imaginación para sobrevivir, resistir. 

—Hoy en día la lucha por los corazones y las mentes de los pueblos ha cobrado impensables manifestaciones comunicativas… Son otras las características que han adquirido y tienen hoy tantas manifestaciones comunicativas y artísticas…–lo que antes fue “guerra psicológico” hoy se le llama “guerra mediática” y sin extenderme tanto en eso solo quisiera pintar con brocha grande y general lo que algunos consideramos es: La era del desarrollo de las tecnologías digitales volvió casi obsoleto el papel y la tinta, las imágenes hoy principalmente se reproducen a través de pequeñas pantallas con una masificación adictiva en su uso y alcanza a todos los sectores de la sociedad a una velocidad increíble. El resultado es paradójico: es una guerra mediática sin fronteras, sin límites y cualquiera puede desarrollarla desde cualquier parte del mundo; toda imagen transmitida disputa la atención, la memoria, las emociones, con el objetivo final de inducir una conducta colectiva. 

Mientras más insultos, mentiras, amenazas son fabricados y diseminados por especializados centros conductores de esa guerra; más se ha profundizado la lucha por el despojo de los recursos naturales, de los derechos sociales, de todo Latinoamérica. 

El imperio estadounidense no descansa, ni duerme, ni vacila en usar todo su poderío económico, militar, y político para garantizar su propia existencia; mientras tanto nuestros pueblos continúan sumidos en la pobreza, la desesperación y la subordinación. Mucha gente gracias a esa “manipulación digital” “democratizada” ya empiezan a perder la capacidad de distinguir entre la realidad y lo artificial, de distinguir entre aquellos que se nos presentan como referentes de valores democráticos humanistas, superiores y los que resistimos sus imposiciones. Resistir hoy tiene un significado mucho más complejo, pues ya no se trata de resistir la agresión militar, visible, violenta, como lo fue la conquista y la colonización, hoy es resistir políticas de neo–colonialismo, resistir la mentira, los bloqueos económicos, las amenazas intervencionistas, la fabricación de narrativas que abonan los caminos para más despojo, más conflictos, más guerras, más reducción de nuestros derechos a la vida digna, justa. 

En las luchas de resistencia del pasado están las semillas de las nuevas formas de lucha, de información, de educación, de organización, de resistencia. Incorporar todo lo positivo que nos muestran estas gráficas en las paredes digitales es para los creadores de gráficas un reto: el trabajo, creatividad, pasión, humildad, resiliencia, colectivismo, solidaridad, unión, es eso lo que nos permitirá salvar la diversidad de colores, matices, sombras, líneas, letras, figuras, texturas, que siempre han conformado nuestros pueblos. 

Nos corresponde a todos asumir con responsabilidad esos retos. Desde 1970 hasta 1992 un grupo de audaces artistas en nuestro país incorporados en ese colectivo de comunicaciones llamado COMIN nos mostró el camino: –es posible, –es efectivo. Mas de 500 afiches, creaciones gráficas fueron su humilde aporte a la lucha de resistencia. Nos demostraron que el arte popular de resistencia es eso, nace del pueblo, es el pueblo su inspiración, se nutre de el y finalmente es para todos. 

Algún día existirán en nuestro país profesionales bibliotecas públicas donde puedan archivarse sin ningún temor a su destrucción miles de documentos testimonios de nuestra historia de resistencia. 

18st Casa de Cultura Chicago, Il. /Sept 2026 

Read in English / Leer en inglés

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Graphics of Resistance: El Salvador 1970–1992 

Ramiro Ochoa, Salvadoran artist and propagandist  

“This is something neither taught nor learned in classrooms, but rather in the struggle—out on the streets.”  

Since 1821, many attempt to evoke within us feelings of patriotism and civic pride every September. We pass through our schools listening to and repeating the same version of our independence from Spain. Many do not even feel a need for study, reflection, or deeper discussion. Parades are the priority. September has become just another common celebration, like any other cultural or religious holiday. There is a complete academic omission of the social and cultural devastation that colonization meant for our peoples. 

But it can also be said that September is an opportunity to reflect on our entire history—so full of battles, struggles, sacrifices, and ruptures—struggles that have dignified us and given us a distinct cultural identity as a resilient, rebellious people, forever in pursuit of freedom, justice, democracy, sovereignty, peace, and independence. 

To discuss the graphics of resistance, it is necessary to place their emergence, development, and ongoing relevance into context. Here, we are striving to acknowledge not only our national Independence day but also other significant dates in our recent history. This includes the Indigenous uprisings of 1833 and the insurrection of 1932 to one of the most recent historical ruptures our country experienced: the Salvadoran Civil War—as many historians call it—which began and unfolded openly in 1980. (Its antecedents lay in the persistent electoral fraud perpetrated by successive military dictatorships and the political repression directed against social organizations and anyone demanding basic human rights: healthcare, housing, education, and dignified work.) 

This war ended with a peace agreement between the civil-military dictatorship and the popular insurgency. These agreements were brokered by the United Nations and ratified by two successive legislative assemblies of our country in January 1992. Our society paid a price of more than 80,000 lives for those peace agreements. Thus, a period of conflict lasting over 20 years came to a close. That agreement paved the way for the democratization of our current society. 

The other recent historic rupture is the one we are currently living. This break began with the rise to power of our current leader Nayib Bukele. Political persecution and repression have been re-established as methods to eliminate adversaries and suppress protests. Changes to our political constitution are being forced through in an authoritarian manner, without significant debate or any national consensus. Administrative corruption has taken on new forms and become standard practice. A lack of transparency regarding the use of state funds has become the norm in fiscal management. The country has incurred unprecedented levels of debt. As of last June, public debt had reached nearly $35 billion, with 28% of the GDP (Gross Domestic Product) going toward servicing it. Our country has been brazenly offered to the United States for the construction of prisons and the housing of inmates—a move that can only be characterized as a loss of national dignity and sovereignty. 

All of the above constitutes a confluence of conditions that is mounting and is reflected in the worsening living standards of the most vulnerable. This latest historical rupture also warrants reflection by all Salvadorans. It is the recent past that is repeating itself, albeit in new forms and with new tactics. 

~ 

I would like to briefly review the struggle that unfolded during the 1980s and 1990s. At that time, we were confronting, first.y, a military dictatorship, which later evolved into a military-civilian one. These dictatorships received military, political, and economic support from the United States. 

A significant element emerged within the context of this conflict: the struggle was not confined to the military arena but spanned many fronts and levels of our society. One of these fronts was information and propaganda. A component of this was what came to be known as “psychological warfare,” a part of the broader counterinsurgency effort. This strategy aimed to affect the morale, perception, and, above all, the behavior of insurgents and their sympathizers, and it was waged through all available media: primarily the press, television, and radio. It is worth noting that most of these outlets were owned by oligarchic families. 

For its part, the Salvadoran insurgency also utilized every possible means to communicate, denounce, educate, organize, resist, and advance. The insurgency vied for the hearts and minds of all sectors of society by presenting arguments and proposals amplified through media outlets established during the struggle itself. These efforts were accompanied by cultural and artistic movements that created their own spaces. 

All the organizations comprising the FMLN—the alliance that led the insurgency—developed their own media outlets. They all produced newspapers, magazines, and educational and organizational print materials. Visual communication was considered a fundamental part of this effort. One such organization was the ERP, which created a specialized structure for this purpose known as COMIN (International Information Command); operating under decentralized leadership, it maintained a presence in Mexico, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and the United States, with many European and Latin American internationalists collaborating in its work. 

Radio Venceremos was their primary radio-based communication tool, but they also produced television programs, films, magazines, newspapers, and books, while venturing into other artistic fields such as theater, music, and poster design. Within this framework, a small collective—led by Rafael Lemus (“Lito”), Chente (a peasant from Morazán), and Roland (a French internationalist)—demonstrated immense creativity in the production of posters. Many of the posters hanging on the walls of this gallery were created by them; some are originals, while others are reproductions. Screen printing was their preferred technique. Their posters feature high-contrast photographic images, dominated by the human figure and the text necessary to convey the message. 

Another medium they used was offset printing, particularly for works produced in Mexico, where they had greater access to equipment and materials. Upon examining these posters, one discovers not only their visual forms but also the graphic imprint of the war’s defining characteristics: armed combatants; men, women, and youth called to insurrection; and protests against disappearances, violations of international conventions, and breaches of human and civil rights. 

All of this constituted—and still constitutes—graphic art of resistance. Consider a small, double-letter-sized poster printed in black and red ink, featuring a peasant raising a *cuma* (a type of machete); it was created using a hand-cut stencil technique in which ink was applied with a knotted rag—a method known as *chuponeado*. It is a technique that allows any surface to serve as a canvas for reproducing the image. 

This is something neither taught nor learned in classrooms, but rather in the struggle—out on the streets. 

One poster demands labor rights in the context of May Day—International Workers’ Day—serving as a clear symbol of rebellion and resistance. Others revive imagery from the last century. One, for example, features a black-and-white depiction of a woman holding a child: an image conveying protection while simultaneously crying out “resistance!” This image is a linocut by the Mexican artist Andrea Gómez, created in 1957. It was utilized by the San Francisco-based workshop “La Raza Graphics,” which ceased operations in 1995. It is also worth noting that a nearly identical image appears—rendered in color using the screen-printing technique—on a textless poster showing a young girl embracing a female fighter. Both images speak to the viewer, inviting a dialogue. 

The poster demanding the release of political prisoners—created by the February 28th Popular Leagues—was something I first saw on the walls of the Mercado Modelo in San Salvador. That poster had been plastered all over downtown San Salvador. People would ask for the names of the individuals in the photos.  

Resistance graphics serve specific purposes: many are not created with artistic or aesthetic pretensions, nor to decorate living rooms. Generally, they are the images that accompany workers’ struggles. Yet, there are others that hint at a quest for cultural identity, all united by the same spirit of rebellion.  

It is worth noting that many more artists participated in creating these works using various media—oils, acrylics, pencil drawings, murals, and prints on wood, seeds, or fabric—demonstrating how our artisan people use their imagination to survive and resist. 

Today, the struggle for the hearts and minds of peoples has taken on unimaginable forms of communication. The characteristics of these many communicative and artistic expressions have shifted. What was once called “psychological warfare” is now known as “media warfare.” Without dwelling too long on the details, I would simply like to sketch out the big picture as some of us see it: the rise of digital technologies has rendered paper and ink nearly obsolete; images are now primarily reproduced on small screens, with usage becoming addictive and widespread, reaching every sector of society at incredible speed. The result is paradoxical: it is a media war without borders or limits, one that anyone can wage from anywhere in the world; every transmitted image vies for our attention, memory, and emotions, with the ultimate goal of shaping collective behavior. 

The more insults, lies, and threats are fabricated and disseminated by specialized centers orchestrating this war, the deeper the struggle becomes over the plunder of natural resources and social rights across all of Latin America. The U.S. empire neither rests nor sleeps, nor does it hesitate to use its full economic, military, and political might to ensure its own survival. Meanwhile, our peoples remain mired in poverty, despair, and subordination. Thanks to this “democratized” digital manipulation, many people are beginning to lose the ability to distinguish reality from the artificial, or to differentiate between those who present themselves as paragons of superior, humanist democratic values ​​and those of us who resist their impositions. Resistance today carries a far more complex meaning; it is no longer a matter of withstanding visible, violent military aggression—as was the case with the Conquest and colonization. Today, it means resisting neo-colonial policies, lies, economic blockades, and interventionist threats, as well as the manufactured narratives that pave the way for further plunder, conflict, and war, and the continued erosion of our right to a dignified and just life. 

The seeds of new forms of struggle—of information, education, organization, and resistance—lie within the resistance struggles of the past. For graphic creators, incorporating all the positive elements revealed by these graphics on digital walls presents a challenge: hard work, creativity, passion, humility, resilience, collectivism, solidarity, and unity. These are the qualities that will enable us to preserve the diversity of colors, hues, shadows, lines, letters, figures, and textures that have always defined our peoples. 

It is up to all of us to shoulder these challenges responsibly. Between 1970 and 1992, a group of bold artists in our country—part of the communications collective known as COMIN—showed us the way, demonstrating that such efforts are both possible and effective. More than 500 posters and graphic creations represented their humble contribution to the resistance struggle. They showed us that popular resistance art is exactly that: it springs from the people, draws its inspiration from them, is nourished by them, and ultimately belongs to everyone. 

Someday, our country will have professional public libraries where thousands of documents—testaments to our history of resistance—can be archived without any fear of their destruction. 

18st Casa de Cultura Chicago, Il. /Sept 2026 

Leer en español /Read in Spanish

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Durante una semana, delegades acompañaron a comunidades, organizaciones sociales y defensoras de derechos humanos en El Salvador, aprendiendo sobre el contexto nacional, la memoria histórica y las luchas actuales por la justicia y la dignidad.

La delegación participó en análisis del contexto nacional, visitó comunidades y organizaciones como PRO-VIDA, CRIPDES y Tutela Legal, y recorrió espacios históricos como la Catedral Metropolitana, la Cripta de Monseñor Romero y el Parque Cuscatlán.

Uno de los momentos más significativos fue el acompañamiento a la conmemoración de la Masacre de El Mozote en Morazán, junto a sobrevivientes, organizaciones de derechos humanos y comunidades comprometidas con la memoria, la verdad y la justicia.

Lea las reflexiones de los delegades aquí


For one week, delegates accompanied communities, grassroots organizations, and human rights defenders in El Salvador, learning about the national context, historical memory, and ongoing struggles for justice and dignity.

The delegation took part in political and social analysis, visited organizations such as PRO-VIDA, CRIPDES, and Tutela Legal, and walked through key historical sites including the Metropolitan Cathedral, Monsignor Romero’s Crypt, and Cuscatlán Park.

One of the most powerful moments was accompanying the commemoration of the El Mozote Massacre in Morazán, alongside survivors, human rights organizations, and communities committed to memory, truth, and justice.

Read the delegates’ reflections here

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CRLN recently recommended that you watch a NISGUA webinar titled “From the U.S. to Central America: Asylum, Deportations, and COVID-19,” featuring five panelists from Central America and the U.S. who are experts on migration and powerful movement leaders. The panelists spoke about the illegal and inhumane Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACAs), also known as safe third country agreements. They also discussed deportations during the pandemic, which have greatly impacted already under-resourced medical systems in the Global South.

The recording of the webinar, complete with English subtitles, is now available for viewing, if you were unable to see it when the webinar first aired.

Links: 

Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACAs)

deportations during the pandemic

recording

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CRLN is a member of the Honduras Solidarity Network (HSN). Karen Spring is HSN’s representative in Honduras and is an insightful analyst of what is going on in Honduras today. We encourage you to tune into her upcoming podcast series. The first 2 episodes aired yesterday on the 11th anniversary of the 2009 overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya Rosales. Read her statement and listen below!

Hi there!

Today is the 11th anniversary of the 2009 coup d’état in Honduras. Like so many, I continue to be inspired by the amazing resistance of Hondurans across the country.

Today, I LAUNCHED the Honduras Now podcast, to remember not just a day that sparked a crisis in Honduras but a day that brought together an amazing and tireless popular movement that despite all odds, continues today.

 

Listen to the first two episodes:

** Episode One: The 2009 coup d’état in Honduras – download HERE
** Episode Two: What the coup means 11 years later – download HERE

If you would prefer to read the episodes (or get the links to Honduran feminist artist Karla Lara’s beautiful music), I will post the show notes at: www.hondurasnow.org

Hasta pronto! Thanks for listening!

Karen Spring
Honduras-based Coordinator, Honduras Solidarity Network (HSN)
Honduras Now Podcast

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Guatemala held elections last Sunday that were marred by the interference of the powers controlling the country in the electoral process. The primary anti-corruption candidate, who had been leading in the polls, fled to El Salvador after receiving a death threat earlier in the campaign season, as did the Special Prosecutor for Electoral Crimes. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal threw various obstacles in front of one of the indigenous parties, MLP, to limit its ability to campaign and to limit the number of votes for its candidates. One of its candidates and two of its campaign committee members were murdered. Neither of the two Presidential candidates who won the most votes and will have a run-off election in September have promised to support the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG), and so it will cease operations in September 2019.

Nevertheless, indigenous and progressive parties did better than usual in this election, and the population in general is outraged at official corruption. Below is a more detailed report on the election results by our friends at the Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA.

 

Guatemala’s June 16th General Elections:

Parties implicated in corruption will face off for the presidency, dominate congress

Strongest showing yet by opposition parties

 

GHRC

June 18, 2019

As expected, Sunday’s general elections in Guatemala resulted in a run-off for the presidency between former First Lady Sandra Torres (National  Unity of Hope – UNE – party) and four-time presidential candidate Alejandro Giamattei (Vamos Party).  The Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) reports that Torres took the lead with close to 26% of the vote and Giamattei followed with just under 14%. The run-off will take place August 11. Elected candidates will take office January 14.

The TSE reports that UNE won 53 out of 160 available congressional seats, up from 28 in the last elections.  UNE’s congressional showing alone makes it the dominant political force. Vamos took 16 seats.  During the outgoing Congress, UNE often voted with the“Pact of Corrupts,” an informal coalition that promoted laws favoring corruption and impunity, of which Vamos was considered an ally.

Maya Mam community organizer Thelma Cabrera (Movement for Peoples’ Liberation – MLP – party) came in with 10.5% of the vote, making her the highest polling indigenous presidential candidate ever in Guatemala, a majority indigenous country.  She came in a close fourth place behind Edmund Mulet.  Cabrera’s newly created MLP party issued a statement late in the day on Monday, rejecting the TSE’s official reports.  The MLP reports that local TSE officials refused to provide copies of the official acts registering polling station results as required by law, in some districts the MLP’s symbol was omitted from the ballot, the TSE did not provide MLP with its legally mandated publicity budget, and the TSE blocked MLP locals from opening bank accounts.  Concern regarding electoral irregularities has been heightened since the Special Prosecutor for Electoral Crimes, Oscar Schaad, resigned his post and fled Guatemala five days before the elections in response to death threats.   Leopaldo Guerra, the Director of the TSE’ Citizens Registry, which oversees the registration of candidates, also took a leave just days before the elections citing health reasons, while the Special Prosecutor Against Impunity (FECI), Juan Francisco Sandoval, is also reported to be on vacation.

Rural political observers note that during the campaign president Jimmy Morales’ principal anti-poverty initiative, a bag of foodstuffs known as “bolsa solidaria”, was handed out in many areas by UNE political operators.  This suggests an alliance between the outgoing FCN party and UNE.  Over seventeen years and one presidency, the UNE party, created to sponsor Torres’ former husbandÁlvaro Arzú [CRLN note: her former husband was Álvaro Colom] unsuccessful 2003 presidential bid, has built a voting base in rural areas where political clientelism dominates communities plagued by extreme levels of poverty.  Analysts also questioned Giammattei’s presidential showing, noting the Vamos party had no structure in the countryside and in the city polled similarly to Cabrera and Mulet.

On February 27 the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG) and its counterpart in the Public Prosecutors office, FECI, asked the Supreme Court of Justice to remove Sandra Torres’ political immunity, which derives from her status as a candidate, to face indictment for crimes related to illicit campaign financing during her last presidential bid in 2015.  This impeachment request is currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Torres could still face charges. Guatemalan press revealed that the charges against Torres were held up in the Attorney Generals’ Office until after she had gained immunity by registering as a candidate.

In 2009 Alejandro Giamattei faced charges brought by CICIG, he was accused of participation in death squad activities while he served as National Penitentiary Director in 2005 and 2006. After first seeking asylum in the Honduran embassy during the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti, Giamattei was acquitted in 2011 by Judge Carol Patricia Flores.  Flores is renowned for judicial acrobatics which favor impunity for corruption and crimes against humanity.  In April 2015, CICIG and FECI requested the removal of Flores’ immunity so that she could be investigated for money laundering and illicit enrichment.  Instead she was sanctioned and it was removed from presiding over a high-risk courtroom.

Sandra Torres has also been touched by prison murder scandals.  Her niece was arrested as an accomplice of Marvin “El Taquero” Montiel Marin in the prison murder of Montiel Marin’s rival, Byron Lima, for control of criminal networks in prison.  Montiel Marin is imprisoned convicted of running a drug assassin network responsible for burning a bus, killing all 26 people inside.

In keeping with past elections, TSE reported that approximately 5 million of 8 million registered voters participated and 13% voted null or left their ballots blank.  In the 2015 electoral law time nullified ballots can have legal implications; if over 50% of ballots are annulled the electoral law would mandate repeated elections.

This election was deeply impacted by court decisions.  Torres’ early challenger Zury Rios was removed from the ballot after the Constitutional Court supported the Elections Tribunal’s finding that, as the daughter of military coup author Efrian Rios Montt, Zury Rios is constitutionally barred from the presidency.  Corruption charges generally believed to be politically motivated removed another early front runner from the race, Semilla candidate and former Attorney General Thelma Aldana.  Aldana remains unable to enter Guatemala without arrest.  Mario Estrada, a lower polling candidate but who represented a significant party, UCN, was arrested in Miami on drug trafficking charges on April 17.  Despite the scandal, UCN won twelve seats in Congress.

Left-leaning opposition parties made the strongest showing since the 1950 elections spurred a CIA backed coup that led to decades of extreme violence directed against any opposition to the business-military alliance that ruled the country.  Parties identified with social demands and anti-corruption platforms took 15 seats in Congress; Semilla (7), Winaq (4), MLP (1) and URNG (3).  In the previous congress, they held thirteen seats; URNG- Winaq (3), Convergencia (3), and Encuentro por Guatemala (7).  Nineth Montenegro, human rights activist and congresswoman since 1996, was not re-elected.  Her party, Encuentro por Guatemala, did not win any seats and according to reforms in the electoral law, will cease to exist. Winaq candidate Aldo Davila on Sunday became the first openly gay man elected to congress. Sandra Moran was the first openly gay woman when she won a congressional seat in the 2015 elections on the Convergencia ticket.  She did not seek re-election. Convergencia did not win any seats in congress and will face a similar fate as Encuentro por Guatemala.

TSE results divide the remaining congressional seats between fifteen small, right wing parties.  Like UNE, they generally appear to have ties to corruption and drug trafficking networks, but are more strongly allied with the military, which seeks protection from prosecution for crimes against humanity.  Giamattei’s VAMOS party won 16 seats, while current president Jimmy Morales’ FCN party took only 7 seats.  Zury Rios’ VALOR party won 9 seats. The Humanista party, whose presidential candidate Edmund Mulet took third place with just over 11% of the vote, won 4 seats in Congress. Mulet was accused of collaborating in a child trafficking ring in the early 1980s. Mulet’s newly formed party’s founders came from the government of former President Alfonso Portillo, who served a prison sentence in New York for financial crimes. Portillo’s attempted bid for Congress was barred by electoral laws, his party, BIEN, won 8 seats.

The most significant incident reported at the polls on election day was the arrest of former General Luis Enrique Mendoza Garcia, the father-in-law of Estuardo Galdamez, presidential candidate for the governing FCN party who garnered just 4% of the vote.  General Mendoza Garcia, arrested Salama, Baja Verapaz, is charged with participating in acts of genocide against Maya Ixil communities between 1982-83.  Galdamez, a congressman representing El Quiche, also served as a military officer in the Ixil area during the genocide.  Maya community leaders and authorities from El Quiche reported with concern that during his campaign Galdamez sought to revive networks of military and former civil patrollers by promising payments to war veterans and demanding impunity for crimes against humanity committed by the military against a largely civilian population in the 1970 and 1980s.  Galdamez and seven fellow congressmen are accused of working with then Vice President Roxana Baldetti to pay fellow congressional representatives for votes on law proposals.

At least two candidates were murdered during campaigns, a mayorial candidate with the FUERZA party and a municipal corporation candidate with MLP.  The MLP also reported the murder of two campaign committee members in the Peten department.  The MLP killings are the latest in a series of murders that target successful Maya-led political projects. Thelma Cabrera represented the newly formed MLP party, the political arm of CODECA, a grassroots indigenous campesino community development organization.  A second successful community development organization, CCDA, brought important support to the Convergencia party. CCDA’s former National Coordinator, Leocadio Juracan, was a high profile congressman who from congress visibly promoted indigenous and campesino rights.

Last year, as planning for campaigns began, CODECA reported that six local leaders were murdered; the CCDA reported three. In 2019, CODECA reported the murder of a community organizer. All of these killings remain in impunity.  Cabrera’s relative success has caused reactions from the business sector. Juan Carlos Telef, president of Guatemala’s largest business association, CACIF,expressed concern that someone with Thelma Cabrera’s political perspectives could gain 10% of the vote.

Given Cabrera’s successful campaign, the increased show in congress, and the violence against MLP, CODECA and CCDA, it is concerning that attacks against parties with strong indigenous and campesino ties could increase in coming years.


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Delegation to Meet with Social Justice and Human Rights Organizations

Since the June 2009 military coup in Honduras, CRLN members have partnered with local and national organizations to work to restore democracy to Honduras.  Two of those local partners,

La Voz de los de Abajo

and

Casa Morazan

are organizing a weeklong delegation to Honduras, to build ties with Honduran organizations working on behalf of social justice.  Join us – to hear directly from human rights leaders in Honduras so that we are equipped to advocate for just US policies.

The coup in Honduras, led by a graduate of the US’s School of the Americas program, has led to the deaths of human rights and social justice leaders in Honduras and called into question the US’s commitment to democracy in this hemisphere.  The cost of the delegation is $1,200 including airfare.  Please prayerfully consider joining us on this delegation and working with us upon your return to advocate for policies that will encourage restoring democracy in Honduras.

For more information, call 773-293-2964

.

Recent CRLN Webstories on Honduras


https://www.crln.org/Condemn_Military_Coup


https://www.crln.org/Honduran_Coup_Tom_Loudon_Report


https://www.crln.org/Honduran_consulate

Summary of Delegation from La Voz de los de Abajo and Casa Morazan

For more than 2 months, the Honduran people and their
organizations have surprised the world with their sacrifice and bravery in
mobilizing daily in resistance to the coup of June 28.  In response to the call from social organizations and the
Honduras National Front Against the Coup, La Voz de los de Abajo and Casa
Morazan is organizing a week-long delegation to Honduras, with the overall goal
of building a solidarity movement supporting the social justice movement in
Honduras and strengthening ties between U.S. organizations and activists and our
counterparts in Honduras.

There is limited space on the delegation. We are looking for
people involved in solidarity work, media, cultural work, trade union and
workers’ rights, healthcare, immigrant rights and others who are interested in
learning directly about the situation in Honduras and willing to help bring
information about the Honduran people’s movement to the U.S.

The delegation will meet with organizations that are
participating in the National Front Against the Coup and with human rights and
alternative media organizations. The National Front Against the Coup is the
coordinating organization for all the organizations in the country that are
resisting the coup. It holds regular general assemblies in which decisions are
made for resistance activities. Below is an introduction to some of the organizations that our delegation will have the opportunity to meet and to talk with.



The Central Nacional
de los Trabajadores del Campo (CNTC) The National Center for Rural
Workers


is one of the largest
and most active campesino base organizations in Honduras. It was founded in 1985
when 5 campesino groups joined together to build an organization dedicated to
the struggle for land for the landless and poorest farmers.  It
organizes not only for land, but also for access to healthcare, education,
housing and other basic services. The CNTC has affiliated communities in most of
the 18 departments (states) of Honduras. It was one of the few campesino
organizations to publicly oppose U.S. intervention in Central America during the
1980’s and it has continued to take progressive positions on international and
national social justice issues.  Because of its work in the
countryside its communities and leaders have frequently been targets for
governmental and landowner repression. The CNTC is a member of the Popular
Block, the National Coordinator for Popular Resistance and since the June
28 coup it has been an active participant in the National Front
Against the Coup (Frente Natcional en Contral el Golpe).



El Comite de Familiares de los Desaparecios en Honduras
(COFADEH) The Committee of the Families of the Disappeared in Honduras


was rounded on November 30, 1982 in Tegucigalpa. COFADEH is a center for moral
and political resistance to the abuses of government and an organization for the
defense and promotion of human rights. Its objectives are to fight against
impunity; to use the law and justice to end the practice of politically and
ideologically motivated forced disappearance of persons; to contribute to the
protection of the full application of human rights and to maintain alive the
collective memory of the past.



El Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares e
Indígenas de Honduras (COPINH) The Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous
Organizations of Honduras


is an activist indigenous organization in the
southwestern region of Honduras with national reach. It was founded in March of
1993 to fight for the recognition of and achievement of political, social,
cultural and economic rights for the indigenous peoples in Honduras. It is also
a center for analysis of the regional and national conditions with the aim of
developing actions and proposals on an ongoing basis for the achievement of its
goals. COPINH is an active member of the Popular Block, National Coordinator of
Popular Resistance and it is an active member of the National Front Against the
Coup.



La Central General de Trabajadores


(CGT) The General
Workerr’ Center is one of the union
centersin Honduras. It was formed in 1970 and has aroudn 120 thousand affiliated
workers. The CGT is one of the few workers’ organizations to survive through the
decade of the 1980’s which saw the most cruel and bloody refpression against the
working class and the other diverse organized sectors of the people. The CGT is
one of the largest organizations active in the National Front Against the Coup.



The organization LOS NECIOS


is a political organization working for radical change in the dominant and unjust
social and economic structures in order to build a different society. The
organization is centered in Tegucigalpa and is composed of members, mainly
youth, from different sectors who are committed to social transformation.
The Necios’ political activity is organizing in diverse social sectors,
political education and ongoing analysis of the national reality. Much of their
work is also in alternative media. The Necios organization was a member of the
National Coordinator of Popular Resistance prior to the coup.



Colegio de Profesores de Educación Media de Honduras
(COPEMH) The College of Secondary School Professors of
Honduras


is the organization of
all the high school teachers in the country. Teachers have played an extremely
crucial role in Honduran society and COPEMH is the strongest teachers’
organization in Honduras with an impressive ability to mobilize and sustain the
mobilization of its members and supporters. It is an important participant in
the National Front Against the Coup and at least 2 of its members have been
killed during the repression since the coup on June 28th


La Organización Fraternal Negra de Honduras
(OFRANEH) The Fraternal Black Organization of Honduras


was founded in 1979 to defend the
Garifuna and other Afro-Honduran’s rights, lands, and culture and to fight for
justice in all spheres of life for these communities. The Garifuna people are
the largest ethnic minority in Honduras and OFRANEH has struggled for legal
recognition and protection of their lands and territory, and for bilingual
education. OFANEH is an activist organization that has participated, since its
founding, in the movements for social justice in Honduras; it has also been a
target for repression throughout its history. It is currently an active
participant in the National Front Against the Coup.



Dr. Luther Castillo and the
First Garifuna Hospital in Honduras


Dr. Castillo is a Garifuna physician and outspoken community organizer and also the
director of the Luaga Hatuadi Waduheno (“For the Health of Our People”
Foundation. The foundation is dedicated to bringing health services to the
isolated indigenous communities on the Atlantic Coast. Dr. Castillo graduated
from the Latin American School of Medicine in Cuba in 2005 and returned to his
region to lead the building of the first “Garifuna hospital” which serves 20,000
people. He was named “Honduran Doctor of the Year” by the International Rotary
Club of Tegucigalpa in 2007. Since the coup in June of this year, Dr. Castillo
has been threatened and the coup government has tried to shut down the hospital.
Dr. Castillo was a member of the delegation of Honduran civil society that
toured the United States this summer to lecture on the situation in
Honduras.

Each of these organizations is playing an important role in
the struggle to restore the constitutional order in Honduras, beginning with the
restitution of President Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and in the fight for the “4th
Urn”  aimed at constitutional reform. The delegation will have the opportunity
to visit these organizations and leaders of the National Front Against the Coup
in Honduras, including candidates and elected officials from the Democratic
Unification Party (UD), independent candidates, Carlos H. Reyes and Berta
Caseres, and  anti-coup members of the Liberal Party. The delegation will also
have the oppoortunity to meet with representatives of the communication media,
that have truely informing the people about what is going on in Honduras and to
hear of their experiences and contributions to the resistence.


La Voz de los de Abajo is a Chicago organization that has
worked in solidarity with the social justice movements in Honduras for 11 years.
Much of our work has been directly with the campesino movement and the National
Center for Rural Workers (CNTC). Over the past 11 years we have participated in
organizing for the Pastors for Peace caravans to Mexico, Honduras and
Nicaragua.  We have organized many small delegations that have
traveled to campesino and indigenous communities across Honduras and
participated in conferences and visits to social organizations in Tegucigalpa.


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Mujeres en Resistencia: Reporte de la Delegación de la Comisión de Derechos en Guatemala

Fotos:Trischa Goodnow

La Comisión de Derechos Humanos de Guatemala llevo a cabo su delegación anual en Agosto centrada en el rol crucial de las mujeres Guatemaltecas en la defensa de los derechos humanos. La delegación titulada “Defensoras: Mujeres Guatemaltecas Defendiendo Tierra, Justicia, y Derechos Humanos”,  tomo lugar en diferentes localidades de Guatemala en las fechas de 30 de Julio al 7 de Agosto del 2016. Marisa León Gómez, miembro del personal de CRLN, se unió a otras mujeres que trabajan y promocionan los derechos humanos en los Estados Unidos y Latino América para aprender y compartir con sus colegas en Guatemala. La delegación comenzó en la ciudad de Guatemala con visitas a diferentes organizaciones, luego viajo a Nebaj, en el departamento de Quiche para encontrarse con mujeres de la Comunidad Maya Ixil, regreso a la Cuidad de Guatemala, y termino con una visita a las comunidades de San Jose del Golfo y San Pedro Ayampuc, las cuales están en una resistencia pacífica en contra de una minería Estadunidense. La primera visita de la delegación fue a una exhibición permanente ¿Por qué estamos como estamos?, para que las delegadas obtuvieran información de fondo de la situación de racismo, discriminación, desigualdad y violencia que actualmente aflige a la sociedad Guatemalteca.


Actualización de la Puya


La Resistencia de la Puya

es una resistencia pacífica por las comunidades de San Jose del Golfo y San Pedro Ayampuc en contra de la minería Estaunidense de oro Kappes, Cassidy & Associates. CRLN ha apoyado la Resistencia de la Puya, la cual se ha estado organizando en contra de la mina y en la defensa de su agua desde hace cuatro años y medio. En el 2012, Miriam Pixtun Monroy, lideresa Maya Indígena de la resistencia, asistió y hablo brevemente acerca de la resistencia en el Encuentro Anual de CRLN, después de que el orador principal termino. Martha Pierce, miembro de la Junta Directiva de CRLN, visita la resistencia cada año conjunto a su delegación que hace en Guatemala.  La delegación de GHRC se encontró con Miriam en la Cuidad de Guatemala y luego viajaron a La Puya para ver personalmente la resistencia. Miembros de la resistencia, explicaron los nuevos avances a la delegación y las luchas que encuentran mientras continúan resistiendo pacíficamente la presencia de la mina en sus comunidades:

  • La compañía minera nunca obtuvo un permiso legal de construcción para operar y también fallo en consultar a las comunidades antes de empezar la minería, violando los Acuerdos de Paz de Guatemala de 1996.
  • Miembros de las comunidades han sido criminalizados, ha habido opresión militar y policial, y una gran división de familias ( en ciertas familias, ciertos miembros trabajan para la mina y otros miembros se oponen a la mina y son parte de la resistencia)
  • La comunidad gano amparos en contra de la compañía minera, lo cual tuvo que haber parado cualquier actividad minera desde Noviembre del 2015. Sin embargo, las comunidades no fueron notificadas de su victoria hasta Enero del 2016.
  • Debido a que la compañía minera no paro sus actividades aun con una orden de la Corte Constitucional, la comunidad comenzó una segunda resistencia en frente del Ministerio de Energía y Minas en la Cuidad de Guatemala la cual llamaron

    “ La Puyita”

    . Esto se debe a que el Ministerio de Energía y Minas dijo que iba a “analizar” la orden de la Corte Constitucional, en vez de simplemente acatar la orden como se supone que lo tienen que hacer.
  • Debido a la resistencia en ambos lados, La Puya y la Puyita, la compañía minera finalmente paro todas sus actividades el 10 de Mayo del 2016. Legalmente, no debería de haber ninguna actividad dentro de la mina. Sin embargo en la visita de la delegación a la Puya, los delegados presenciaron un carro conduciéndose en el complejo de mina y miembros de la resistencia reportaron actividades mineras llevadas a cabo por helicópteros y otras formas.
  • Miembros de la resistencia, también reportaron que hay rumores que el Ministerio de Energía y Minas quiere utilizar otro amparo justificándose en que Kappes, Cassidy & Associates han invertido más de $40 millones, y que deben completar su trabajo para que todo su capital no se desperdicie y para que inversores extranjeros no tengan miedo de invertir en Guatemala.
  • Las comunidades ya están vigilantes del hecho que la compañía minera puede demandar al Gobierno de Guatemala,

    como fue el caso en El Salvador.

  • La resistencia realmente aprecia la presión en contra del Gobierno de Guatemala y  de la compañía minera y el trabajo de solidaridad con su causa. Miembros de la resistencia dicen que el apoyo internacional es muy importante para su trabajo y para la defensa de los ríos y el medio ambiente.


La CICIG, Corrupción y El Ministerio Publico de Guatemala

La organizaciones de derechos humanos y de justicia social aprecian el trabajo de la

Comisión Internacional en Contra de la Impunidad en Guatemala  (CICIG).

Muchas defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos durante la delegación expresaron que el record de derechos humanos de Guatemala sería peor de no ser por la CICIG. Sin embargo, muchas organizaciones dijeron que la CICIG está fallando en trabajar con mujeres y movimientos u organizaciones indígenas.

La Red de No Violencia en Contra de la Mujer (REDNOVI)

expreso que la CICIG no ha beneficiado la prevención de la violencia en contra de la mujeres. La representante de REDNOVI espera que la CICIG comience una investigación de estructuras paralelas que previenen el proceso de la prevención de la violencia en contra de la mujer pueda avanzar. Igualmente, miembros de la resistencia de la Puya esperan que la CICIG pueda ayudar con su caso. Como se explicó arriba, la compañía minera Estadunidense Kappes, Cassidy & Associates ha operado ilegalmente en Guatemala, y miembros de la resistencia han sido injustamente criminalizados.

Adicionalmente,  El Ministerio Publico de Guatemala ha tenido un rol prominente en los casos de corrupción de oficiales de alto rango. La actual Fiscal, Thelma Aldana, llevo a cabo investigaciones que probaron que el ex- Presidente Otto Pérez Molina y la ex- Vicepresidente Roxana Baldetti estuvieron involucrados en el escándalo de corrupción de la aduana en Guatemala. La Fiscal previa, Claudia Paz y Paz, hizo un gran cambio en el sistema judicial de Guatemala, siendo su mayor logro la sentencia en cargos de genocidio y crimines de lesa humanidad del Militar General y  ex-Presidente Efraín Ríos Montt. La sentencia de Ríos Montt fue anulada por la Corte Constitucional días después, Sin embargo la juez Paz y Paz desafío el statu quo en Guatemala y abrió las puertas de la justicia, las cuales habían estado cerradas por mucho tiempo.

La corupcion rampante en Guatemala continua, tanto en el gobierno como en la oligarquía Guatemalteca. Impuestos bajos y/o evasión de impuestos por los ricos de Guatemala continúan teniendo un gran efecto en el país. Iduvina Hernandez, de

SEDEM

, explico a la delegación que el 6% más rico de la población evita pagar impuestos, y los que sí pagan (las clases trabajadoras) son robados por el gobierno. Los niveles de impunidad en Guatemala son alrededor del 90% por corrupción y evasión de impuestos. Igualmente, los  gobernantes de Guatemala defienden de cualquier manera posible los intereses económicos de la elite y de empresas extranjeras. Todo esto roba al estado de fondos, haciéndolo difícil que la situación vulnerable del país mejore.


La Administración de Jimmy Morales y los Militares

A pesar de haber progreso en Guatemala en las áreas de impunidad y corrupción, con el arresto del ex Presidente y Vicepresidente, el gobierno de Jimmy Morales está lejos de ser el ideal. El Presidente Morales ha sido vinculado con y ha defendido a los militares que estuvieron involucrados en el conflicto armado interno y en violaciones de derechos humanos. Morales ha reclamado el país vecino de Belice como Guatemalteco, ha incluido mensajes xenofóbicos y racistas como parte de su comedia, y ha negado que el genocidio en contra de la Comunidad Maya Ixil haya ocurrido.


Plan Alianza de la Prosperidad


CRLN,

conjunto a otras organizaciones, están dudosos del Plan propuesto como Alianza para la Prosperidad, dando $750 millones de dólares a los países del Triángulo Norte: Honduras, Guatemala, y El Salvador. Las organizaciones de derechos humanos están escépticos de las siguientes tres razones: a) El plan apoya la inversión extranjera en los tres países, lo cual puede resultar en situaciones como la de la Puya, b)Una gran parte del dinero va hacia los militares y las iniciativas de seguridad, a pesar de que hay pruebas de violaciones a derechos humanos por los militares y y la correlación de los altos niveles de violencia con la presencia de los militares en las calles, c) El dinero va a gobiernos corruptos los cuales tienen records terribles en valorar los derechos humanos. Adicionalmente, el plan se ve como un esfuerzo para parar inmigración a los EE.UU. a través de la militarización y la detención de inmigrantes antes de que lleguen a tierras Estadunidenses. Los delegados de GHRC se reunieron con representantes de la Embajada de Estados Unidos en Guatemala y encontraron que los EE.UU. todavía tiene confianza en los militares de Guatemala, al expresar que, “ los militares del presente son diferentes”.  La delegación tuvo una discusión con el representante de la Embajada Estadunidense acerca de puntos de consternación en el ámbito de derechos humanos en Guatemala.


Mujeres en Resistencia (Lista y Resumen de Organizaciones durante la delegación)

La primera reunión organizacional fue con

FAMDEGUA

(Familias de Desaparecidos de Guatemala) la cual fue fundada por familiares, sobre todo madres y esposas, de los desaparecidos del conflicto armado interno. 45,000 personas fueran desaparecidas forzosamente  durante el conflicto armado en Guatemala. FAMDEGUA tiene un papel crucial en el rol de exhumaciones de cementerios clandestinos y reparaciones a las víctimas, así como acompañar casos como el de la mascare de las Dos Erres. A pesar de recibir amenazas a muerte y vandalismo en sus oficinas, de 107 exhumaciones hechas, 1276 restos han sido recuperados.

La siguiente fue una reunión con

SEDEM

(Seguridad en Democracia). Guatemala siendo un país extremadamente peligroso para defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos, SEDEM trabaja en en la evaluación de riesgos y medidas de autoprotección para los defensores. SEDEM trabaja tambien con la reforma del ejército y la policía desde una perspectiva de derechos humanos y en la desclasificación de información de violaciones de derechos humanos durante el conflicto armado interno.

La siguiente reunión tomo lugar en Nebaj, en el departamento de El Quiche, donde hubo un genocidio de la comunidad Maya Ixil.

Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial (ECAP)

es una organization que trabaja en factores psicosociales con individuos y comunidades que han sufrido 30 años del conflicto armado interno. Esto incluye trabajar y brindar apoyo psicosocial a las mujeres y las comunidades indígenas que ahora son testigos de los juicios por genocidio y / o violencia sexual durante el conflicto armado.

Luego la delegación se reunió con

la Asociación Flor de Maguey y el Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos, CALDH.

La reunión con la Asociación Flor de Maguey fue probablemente la más emotiva para la delegación, ya que la Asociación consiste en un grupo de mujeres sobrevivientes mayas del genocidio en la región de Quiché. La delegación escuchó el testimonio de cada mujer en el idioma maya Ixil, luego traducido al español y más tarde al Inglés. Las mujeres hablaron de diferentes traumas vividos durante y después del conflicto armado interno, incluyendo el sufrimiento de violencia sexual, la desaparición forzada de miembros de la familia, presenciar la matanza de miembros de la familia, y testificar en el caso de genocidio de Ríos Montt. Las mujeres formaron una red de apoyo en sus comunidades y se ayudaron mutuamente a sanar al compartir sus historias, el dolor y la búsqueda de la justicia.

CALDH

es un grupo que apoya a grupos como la Asociación de la flor Maguey, proporcionando acompañamiento pysco-social y ayudando a luchar por la verdad y la justicia.

Finalmente en Nebaj, Las delegadas se reunieron con

la Red de Mujeres Ixiles

la cual consiste en una red de 364 mujeres que trabaja para apoyar a las víctimas de la violencia actual contra las mujeres y para avanzar en los derechos de las mujeres.

De regreso en la Cuidad de Guatemala, la última visita organizacional fue con

La Red de No Violencia en Contra de la Mujer (REDNOVI),

la cual trabaja para prevenir, actuar y eliminar todas las formas de violencia y opresión en contra de las mujeres. REDNOVI trabaja en leyes, políticas públicas y mecanismos específicos por la defensa y el avance de las mujeres. La red está formada por diferentes organizaciones que trabajan en diferentes áreas en la defensa de los derechos de la mujer.

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Bill Summary: 

This bill prohibits funds from being made available to Honduras for the police or military (including for equipment and training), and directs the Department of the Treasury to instruct U.S. representatives at multilateral development banks to vote against any loans for the police or military of Honduras, until the Department of States certifies that the government of Honduras has:

  • prosecuted members of the military and police for human rights violations and ensured that such violations have ceased;
  • established the rule of law and guaranteed a judicial system capable of bringing to justice members of the police and military who have committed human rights abuses;
  • established that it protects the rights of trade unionists, journalists, human rights defenders, government critics, and civil society activists to operate without interference;
  • withdrawn the military from domestic policing; and
  • brought to trial and obtained verdicts against those who ordered and carried out the attack on Felix Molina and the killings of Berta Caceres, Joel Palacios Lino, Elvis Armando Garcia, and over 100 small-farmer activists in the Aguan Valley.



Current co-sponsors:

60 total in U.S.; from IL – Schakowsky, Lipinski, Gutierrez, Rush, Davis, Quigley, Foster



Reasons to Co-sponsor
:

  1. The U.S. should not fund security forces that have committed such an alarming number of human rights abuses with a 97% impunity rate.

    Some argue that U.S. training for Honduran troops will professionalize them, but there is no evidence of improvement since the 2009 military coup d’etat. Those who planned that coup
    are still in power. In fact, there is credible evidence that units of the Honduran military trained by the U.S. are operating as “death squads” and have hit lists of the leaders of various social movements. Berta Cáceres was one casualty.

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/28/berta-caceres-honduras-military-intelligence-us-trained-special-forces
  2. The U.S should not entrust funds to an administration as corrupt as that of Juan Orlando Hernández’ in a country with such a weak judicial system.

    We cannot have any confidence that funds given to Honduras will be used for their intended purpose. There is rampant institutional corruption in Honduras. High-level officials siphon off money from public institutions for their own gain or for political advantage. The looting of at least $350 million from the social security system by its chief administrator, part of which funded National Party efforts to elect current President Hernández in 2013, is an example.

    The Unbearable Solitude of Honduras’ Attorney General


Officials also have been implicated in taking bribes from drug trafficking gangs in exchange for allowing gangs to operate without police interference.

Another Day, Another Damning Testimony of Elites by Honduras Trafficker


3.  U.S. funds should not be sent to support military and police forces in a country which                 appears headed for dictatorship.

Current President Hernández is running for re-election, forbidden by the Honduran Constitution. Last year, he fired 4 Supreme Court justices who challenged the constitutionality of his running for re-election and appointed replacements who would support it. He uses the military in domestic policing, also forbidden by the Constitution, and has formed a Military Police Force in addition to the National Police. This year, the Honduran Congress passed changes to the penal code that threaten free speech and freedom of assembly rights, with stiff criminal penalties, which have citizens worried that they will not be able effectively to publicly oppose government policies.

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