Gráficas de Resistencia: El Salvador 1970–1992 

Todos los septiembres desde 1821 hasta la fecha de hoy, se intenta evocar en nosotros 

sentimientos de amor patrio y civismo. Pasamos por nuestras escuelas escuchando y repitiendo la misma versión acerca de nuestra independencia de España. Ni siquiera es necesario su estudio, reflexión o mayor discusión. Los desfiles son la prioridad. Es ya otra común celebración como cualquier otra celebración cultural, o religiosa. Un olvido académico completo de los estragos sociales, culturales que significó la colonización para nuestros pueblos. 

Pero también puede decirse que septiembre es una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre toda nuestra historia, tan llena de batallas, de luchas, de sacrificios, de rupturas, de luchas que nos han dignificado y nos han dado cierta identidad cultural como pueblo resiliente, rebelde, siempre en busca de libertad, de justicia, de democracia, de soberanía, de paz y de independencia. 

Para hablar de gráficas de resistencia es necesario contextualizar su aparición, su desarrollo, su vigencia. Aquí estamos tratando de hacer un esfuerzo por reconocer no solo esa tradicional fiesta patria, pero también otras fechas importantes en nuestra historia reciente. Me refiero tanto como a las insurrecciones indígenas de 1833, o la insurrección de 1932,—hasta una de las más recientes rupturas históricas que vivió nuestro país: la guerra civil como es llamada por muchos historiadores, que inició y se desarrolló abiertamente en el año 1980. (Sus antecedentes fueron los continuos fraudes electorales ejecutados por sucesivas dictaduras militares y la represión política contra las organizaciones sociales y cualquiera que reclamara un básico derecho humano: salud, vivienda, educación, trabajo digno). 

Esta guerra terminó con un acuerdo de paz entre la dictadura civil militar y la insurgencia popular, fueron acuerdos auspiciados por las Naciones Unidas y ratificados por dos continuas asambleas legislativas de nuestro país en enero de 1992. Mas de 80,000 muertes fue el costo que nuestra sociedad pagó por esos acuerdos de paz. –Asi se cerró un período de conflicto que duró más de 20 años. Ese acuerdo abrió paso a la democratización de nuestra actual sociedad. 

La otra reciente ruptura histórica es la que vivimos actualmente: Esta ruptura inicia con la llegada al poder de nuestro actual gobernante. La persecución política y la represión se vuelve a reestablecer como forma de eliminar enemigos, y reprimir protestas. Se hacen cambios a nuestra constitución política de forma autoritaria, sin mayor debate, y sin ningún consenso nacional. La corrupción administrativa ha adquirido nuevas formas y se ha vuelto práctica normal. Se establece como práctica fiscal la ausencia de transparencia en el uso de los fondos del estado. El país se ha endeudado como nunca en su historia, La deuda pública ya alcanzó en junio pasado a casi $35,000 millones. el 28% del PIB (Producto Interno Bruto) se usa para pagar esa deuda. Nuestro país ha sido descaradamente ofrecido a los Estados Unidos para la construcción de cárceles, y para alojo de prisioneros en lo que puede caracterizarse como una pérdida de dignidad nacional y soberanía. 

Todo lo anterior es un conjuro de condiciones que empieza a acumularse y se refleja en el agravamiento de las condiciones de vida de los más necesitados. Esta más reciente ruptura histórica también merece ser objeto de reflexión de todos y todos los salvadoreños. Es el pasado reciente el que se está repitiendo con nuevas formas y mañas. 

~ 

Yo quisiera hacer una corta reseña de la lucha que se desarrolló en los años 80 y 90: En aquél entonces nos enfrentábamos, – primero a una dictadura militar, – que se convirtió después en militar/civil. Estas dictaduras fueron apoyadas militar, política y económicamente por los Estados Unidos. 

En el contexto de ese enfrentamiento se desarrolló un elemento importante, –la lucha no solo era en el terreno militar, cubrió muchos frentes y niveles de nuestra sociedad. Uno de esos frentes fue la información y propaganda, un componente de eso fue lo que se identificó como “guerra psicológica”, parte de la guerra de contrainsurgencia, esta buscaba afectar la moral, la percepción y sobre todo la conducta de los insurrectos y sus simpatizantes, y se realizaba a través de todos los medios disponibles: prensa, televisión y radio principalmente, es de notar aquí que la mayoría de ellos eran propiedad de familias oligárquicas. 

Como contraparte la insurgencia salvadoreña también hizo uso de cuanto medio fue posible para comunicar, denunciar, educar, organizar, resistir y avanzar. La disputa por los corazones y las mentes de todos los sectores de nuestra sociedad fue hecha por la insurgencia a través de razonamientos y propuestas amplificadas por medios de comunicación construidos durante la lucha misma, todo eso fue acompañado de movimientos culturales y artísticos que crearon sus propios espacios. 

Todas las organizaciones que conformaron la alianza que dirigió esa insurgencia, el FMLN construyeron sus propios medios de comunicación. Todos hicieron periódicos revistas, material impreso educativo y organizativo. La comunicación visual era considerada parte fundamental de ese esfuerzo. Una de esas organizaciones fue el ERP –quienes crearon una estructura especializada para ello –le llamaron COMIN: Comando Internacional de Información, con una dirección descentralizada tenía presencia en Mexico, Nicaragua, El Salvador y Estados Unidos. muchos internacionalistas europeos y latinoamericanos colaboraron con ella. 

Radio Venceremos fue su instrumento comunicativo radial, pero también hicieron Televisión, Cine, Revistas, Periódicos, Libros, incursionaron en otras ramas artísticas como el Teatro, la Música y la producción de Afiches. Dentro de esa estructura un pequeño colectivo bajo la dirección de Rafael Lemus (Lito), Chente (campesino de Morazán) y Roland (Internacionalista francés) explotó en creatividad en la producción de afiches. Buena parte de los afiches que están colgados en las paredes de esta galería fueron hechos por ellos, unos son originales y otros son reproducciones. La serigrafia fue su técnica favorita, sus afiches están cargados de imágenes fotográficas en alto contraste donde predomina la figura humana y el texto necesario para entregar el mensaje.  

El otro medio que utilizaron fue la impresión a offset, sobre todo los producidos en Mexico en donde tenían mayor acceso al equipo y los materiales. Observando esos afiches uno descubre no solo las formas, sino la estampa gráfica de las características de esa guerra: combatientes armados; mujeres, hombres, jóvenes, llamados a la insurrección, denuncias de capturas, denuncias de violaciones de convenciones internacionales, denuncias de violaciones a los derechos humanos y civiles. 

Todo eso fue y es gráfica de resistencia. Observen un pequeño poster del tamaño doble carta, tinta negra y roja con la figura de un campesino alzando una cuma, está hecho con técnica de esténcil cortado a mano en donde la tinta es depositada con un trapo hecho nudo, le llamaban “chuponeado”. Una técnica en la que cualquier superficie puede ser utilizada como lienzo para reproducir la imagen. 

Eso ni se enseña, ni se aprende en aulas, sino en la lucha, en la calle. 

Es un afiche que reclama derechos laborales, en el contexto de la celebración del primero de mayo, día de los trabajadores, es una clara imagen de rebeldía y resistencia. Algunos de esos afiches rescatan imágenes hechas en el siglo pasado, como es el caso donde aparece una mujer con un niño o niña en sus brazos, en color negro, en una acción que muestra protección y que grita ¡resistencia!. Esa imagen es un grabado en linóleo de una artista mexicana que se llama Andrea Gómez. –lo hizo en 1957. Un taller en San Francisco de nombre “La Raza Graphics” uso la imagen, son sus autores, el taller dejo de existir en 1995. Es de notar también que casi la misma imagen se repite de la misma forma a color y con técnica serigráfica en un afiche sin texto donde una niña se funde en un abrazo con una mujer combatiente. Las dos imágenes le hablan al que las observa invitándonos a conversar con ellas. 

El poster que exige la libertad de los presos políticos hecho por las Ligas Populares 28 de febrero, –la primera vez que lo vi fue en las paredes del mercado Modelo en San Salvador–. —Ese poster había sido pegado por todo el centro de San Salvador. La gente preguntaba por los nombres de quienes estaban en las fotos.  

Las gráficas de resistencia tienen objetivos específicos, y muchas no se hacen con pretensiones artísticas o estéticas, ni para decorar salas, por lo general siempre son las que acompañan las luchas de los trabajadores. Pero hay otras que nos insinúan las búsquedas de identidad cultural, todas cobijadas por un mismo espíritu de rebeldía.  

Es de hacer notar que muchos más artistas participaron en la creación de ellas usando otros medios: oleos, acrílicos, dibujos a lápiz, murales, estampados en madera, en semillas, en tela, es siempre nuestro pueblo artesano haciendo uso de la imaginación para sobrevivir, resistir. 

—Hoy en día la lucha por los corazones y las mentes de los pueblos ha cobrado impensables manifestaciones comunicativas… Son otras las características que han adquirido y tienen hoy tantas manifestaciones comunicativas y artísticas…–lo que antes fue “guerra psicológico” hoy se le llama “guerra mediática” y sin extenderme tanto en eso solo quisiera pintar con brocha grande y general lo que algunos consideramos es: La era del desarrollo de las tecnologías digitales volvió casi obsoleto el papel y la tinta, las imágenes hoy principalmente se reproducen a través de pequeñas pantallas con una masificación adictiva en su uso y alcanza a todos los sectores de la sociedad a una velocidad increíble. El resultado es paradójico: es una guerra mediática sin fronteras, sin límites y cualquiera puede desarrollarla desde cualquier parte del mundo; toda imagen transmitida disputa la atención, la memoria, las emociones, con el objetivo final de inducir una conducta colectiva. 

Mientras más insultos, mentiras, amenazas son fabricados y diseminados por especializados centros conductores de esa guerra; más se ha profundizado la lucha por el despojo de los recursos naturales, de los derechos sociales, de todo Latinoamérica. 

El imperio estadounidense no descansa, ni duerme, ni vacila en usar todo su poderío económico, militar, y político para garantizar su propia existencia; mientras tanto nuestros pueblos continúan sumidos en la pobreza, la desesperación y la subordinación. Mucha gente gracias a esa “manipulación digital” “democratizada” ya empiezan a perder la capacidad de distinguir entre la realidad y lo artificial, de distinguir entre aquellos que se nos presentan como referentes de valores democráticos humanistas, superiores y los que resistimos sus imposiciones. Resistir hoy tiene un significado mucho más complejo, pues ya no se trata de resistir la agresión militar, visible, violenta, como lo fue la conquista y la colonización, hoy es resistir políticas de neo–colonialismo, resistir la mentira, los bloqueos económicos, las amenazas intervencionistas, la fabricación de narrativas que abonan los caminos para más despojo, más conflictos, más guerras, más reducción de nuestros derechos a la vida digna, justa. 

En las luchas de resistencia del pasado están las semillas de las nuevas formas de lucha, de información, de educación, de organización, de resistencia. Incorporar todo lo positivo que nos muestran estas gráficas en las paredes digitales es para los creadores de gráficas un reto: el trabajo, creatividad, pasión, humildad, resiliencia, colectivismo, solidaridad, unión, es eso lo que nos permitirá salvar la diversidad de colores, matices, sombras, líneas, letras, figuras, texturas, que siempre han conformado nuestros pueblos. 

Nos corresponde a todos asumir con responsabilidad esos retos. Desde 1970 hasta 1992 un grupo de audaces artistas en nuestro país incorporados en ese colectivo de comunicaciones llamado COMIN nos mostró el camino: –es posible, –es efectivo. Mas de 500 afiches, creaciones gráficas fueron su humilde aporte a la lucha de resistencia. Nos demostraron que el arte popular de resistencia es eso, nace del pueblo, es el pueblo su inspiración, se nutre de el y finalmente es para todos. 

Algún día existirán en nuestro país profesionales bibliotecas públicas donde puedan archivarse sin ningún temor a su destrucción miles de documentos testimonios de nuestra historia de resistencia. 

18st Casa de Cultura Chicago, Il. /Sept 2026 

Read in English / Leer en inglés

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Graphics of Resistance: El Salvador 1970–1992 

Ramiro Ochoa, Salvadoran artist and propagandist  

“This is something neither taught nor learned in classrooms, but rather in the struggle—out on the streets.”  

Since 1821, many attempt to evoke within us feelings of patriotism and civic pride every September. We pass through our schools listening to and repeating the same version of our independence from Spain. Many do not even feel a need for study, reflection, or deeper discussion. Parades are the priority. September has become just another common celebration, like any other cultural or religious holiday. There is a complete academic omission of the social and cultural devastation that colonization meant for our peoples. 

But it can also be said that September is an opportunity to reflect on our entire history—so full of battles, struggles, sacrifices, and ruptures—struggles that have dignified us and given us a distinct cultural identity as a resilient, rebellious people, forever in pursuit of freedom, justice, democracy, sovereignty, peace, and independence. 

To discuss the graphics of resistance, it is necessary to place their emergence, development, and ongoing relevance into context. Here, we are striving to acknowledge not only our national Independence day but also other significant dates in our recent history. This includes the Indigenous uprisings of 1833 and the insurrection of 1932 to one of the most recent historical ruptures our country experienced: the Salvadoran Civil War—as many historians call it—which began and unfolded openly in 1980. (Its antecedents lay in the persistent electoral fraud perpetrated by successive military dictatorships and the political repression directed against social organizations and anyone demanding basic human rights: healthcare, housing, education, and dignified work.) 

This war ended with a peace agreement between the civil-military dictatorship and the popular insurgency. These agreements were brokered by the United Nations and ratified by two successive legislative assemblies of our country in January 1992. Our society paid a price of more than 80,000 lives for those peace agreements. Thus, a period of conflict lasting over 20 years came to a close. That agreement paved the way for the democratization of our current society. 

The other recent historic rupture is the one we are currently living. This break began with the rise to power of our current leader Nayib Bukele. Political persecution and repression have been re-established as methods to eliminate adversaries and suppress protests. Changes to our political constitution are being forced through in an authoritarian manner, without significant debate or any national consensus. Administrative corruption has taken on new forms and become standard practice. A lack of transparency regarding the use of state funds has become the norm in fiscal management. The country has incurred unprecedented levels of debt. As of last June, public debt had reached nearly $35 billion, with 28% of the GDP (Gross Domestic Product) going toward servicing it. Our country has been brazenly offered to the United States for the construction of prisons and the housing of inmates—a move that can only be characterized as a loss of national dignity and sovereignty. 

All of the above constitutes a confluence of conditions that is mounting and is reflected in the worsening living standards of the most vulnerable. This latest historical rupture also warrants reflection by all Salvadorans. It is the recent past that is repeating itself, albeit in new forms and with new tactics. 

~ 

I would like to briefly review the struggle that unfolded during the 1980s and 1990s. At that time, we were confronting, first.y, a military dictatorship, which later evolved into a military-civilian one. These dictatorships received military, political, and economic support from the United States. 

A significant element emerged within the context of this conflict: the struggle was not confined to the military arena but spanned many fronts and levels of our society. One of these fronts was information and propaganda. A component of this was what came to be known as “psychological warfare,” a part of the broader counterinsurgency effort. This strategy aimed to affect the morale, perception, and, above all, the behavior of insurgents and their sympathizers, and it was waged through all available media: primarily the press, television, and radio. It is worth noting that most of these outlets were owned by oligarchic families. 

For its part, the Salvadoran insurgency also utilized every possible means to communicate, denounce, educate, organize, resist, and advance. The insurgency vied for the hearts and minds of all sectors of society by presenting arguments and proposals amplified through media outlets established during the struggle itself. These efforts were accompanied by cultural and artistic movements that created their own spaces. 

All the organizations comprising the FMLN—the alliance that led the insurgency—developed their own media outlets. They all produced newspapers, magazines, and educational and organizational print materials. Visual communication was considered a fundamental part of this effort. One such organization was the ERP, which created a specialized structure for this purpose known as COMIN (International Information Command); operating under decentralized leadership, it maintained a presence in Mexico, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and the United States, with many European and Latin American internationalists collaborating in its work. 

Radio Venceremos was their primary radio-based communication tool, but they also produced television programs, films, magazines, newspapers, and books, while venturing into other artistic fields such as theater, music, and poster design. Within this framework, a small collective—led by Rafael Lemus (“Lito”), Chente (a peasant from Morazán), and Roland (a French internationalist)—demonstrated immense creativity in the production of posters. Many of the posters hanging on the walls of this gallery were created by them; some are originals, while others are reproductions. Screen printing was their preferred technique. Their posters feature high-contrast photographic images, dominated by the human figure and the text necessary to convey the message. 

Another medium they used was offset printing, particularly for works produced in Mexico, where they had greater access to equipment and materials. Upon examining these posters, one discovers not only their visual forms but also the graphic imprint of the war’s defining characteristics: armed combatants; men, women, and youth called to insurrection; and protests against disappearances, violations of international conventions, and breaches of human and civil rights. 

All of this constituted—and still constitutes—graphic art of resistance. Consider a small, double-letter-sized poster printed in black and red ink, featuring a peasant raising a *cuma* (a type of machete); it was created using a hand-cut stencil technique in which ink was applied with a knotted rag—a method known as *chuponeado*. It is a technique that allows any surface to serve as a canvas for reproducing the image. 

This is something neither taught nor learned in classrooms, but rather in the struggle—out on the streets. 

One poster demands labor rights in the context of May Day—International Workers’ Day—serving as a clear symbol of rebellion and resistance. Others revive imagery from the last century. One, for example, features a black-and-white depiction of a woman holding a child: an image conveying protection while simultaneously crying out “resistance!” This image is a linocut by the Mexican artist Andrea Gómez, created in 1957. It was utilized by the San Francisco-based workshop “La Raza Graphics,” which ceased operations in 1995. It is also worth noting that a nearly identical image appears—rendered in color using the screen-printing technique—on a textless poster showing a young girl embracing a female fighter. Both images speak to the viewer, inviting a dialogue. 

The poster demanding the release of political prisoners—created by the February 28th Popular Leagues—was something I first saw on the walls of the Mercado Modelo in San Salvador. That poster had been plastered all over downtown San Salvador. People would ask for the names of the individuals in the photos.  

Resistance graphics serve specific purposes: many are not created with artistic or aesthetic pretensions, nor to decorate living rooms. Generally, they are the images that accompany workers’ struggles. Yet, there are others that hint at a quest for cultural identity, all united by the same spirit of rebellion.  

It is worth noting that many more artists participated in creating these works using various media—oils, acrylics, pencil drawings, murals, and prints on wood, seeds, or fabric—demonstrating how our artisan people use their imagination to survive and resist. 

Today, the struggle for the hearts and minds of peoples has taken on unimaginable forms of communication. The characteristics of these many communicative and artistic expressions have shifted. What was once called “psychological warfare” is now known as “media warfare.” Without dwelling too long on the details, I would simply like to sketch out the big picture as some of us see it: the rise of digital technologies has rendered paper and ink nearly obsolete; images are now primarily reproduced on small screens, with usage becoming addictive and widespread, reaching every sector of society at incredible speed. The result is paradoxical: it is a media war without borders or limits, one that anyone can wage from anywhere in the world; every transmitted image vies for our attention, memory, and emotions, with the ultimate goal of shaping collective behavior. 

The more insults, lies, and threats are fabricated and disseminated by specialized centers orchestrating this war, the deeper the struggle becomes over the plunder of natural resources and social rights across all of Latin America. The U.S. empire neither rests nor sleeps, nor does it hesitate to use its full economic, military, and political might to ensure its own survival. Meanwhile, our peoples remain mired in poverty, despair, and subordination. Thanks to this “democratized” digital manipulation, many people are beginning to lose the ability to distinguish reality from the artificial, or to differentiate between those who present themselves as paragons of superior, humanist democratic values ​​and those of us who resist their impositions. Resistance today carries a far more complex meaning; it is no longer a matter of withstanding visible, violent military aggression—as was the case with the Conquest and colonization. Today, it means resisting neo-colonial policies, lies, economic blockades, and interventionist threats, as well as the manufactured narratives that pave the way for further plunder, conflict, and war, and the continued erosion of our right to a dignified and just life. 

The seeds of new forms of struggle—of information, education, organization, and resistance—lie within the resistance struggles of the past. For graphic creators, incorporating all the positive elements revealed by these graphics on digital walls presents a challenge: hard work, creativity, passion, humility, resilience, collectivism, solidarity, and unity. These are the qualities that will enable us to preserve the diversity of colors, hues, shadows, lines, letters, figures, and textures that have always defined our peoples. 

It is up to all of us to shoulder these challenges responsibly. Between 1970 and 1992, a group of bold artists in our country—part of the communications collective known as COMIN—showed us the way, demonstrating that such efforts are both possible and effective. More than 500 posters and graphic creations represented their humble contribution to the resistance struggle. They showed us that popular resistance art is exactly that: it springs from the people, draws its inspiration from them, is nourished by them, and ultimately belongs to everyone. 

Someday, our country will have professional public libraries where thousands of documents—testaments to our history of resistance—can be archived without any fear of their destruction. 

18st Casa de Cultura Chicago, Il. /Sept 2026 

Leer en español /Read in Spanish

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Durante una semana, delegades acompañaron a comunidades, organizaciones sociales y defensoras de derechos humanos en El Salvador, aprendiendo sobre el contexto nacional, la memoria histórica y las luchas actuales por la justicia y la dignidad.

La delegación participó en análisis del contexto nacional, visitó comunidades y organizaciones como PRO-VIDA, CRIPDES y Tutela Legal, y recorrió espacios históricos como la Catedral Metropolitana, la Cripta de Monseñor Romero y el Parque Cuscatlán.

Uno de los momentos más significativos fue el acompañamiento a la conmemoración de la Masacre de El Mozote en Morazán, junto a sobrevivientes, organizaciones de derechos humanos y comunidades comprometidas con la memoria, la verdad y la justicia.

Lea las reflexiones de los delegades aquí


For one week, delegates accompanied communities, grassroots organizations, and human rights defenders in El Salvador, learning about the national context, historical memory, and ongoing struggles for justice and dignity.

The delegation took part in political and social analysis, visited organizations such as PRO-VIDA, CRIPDES, and Tutela Legal, and walked through key historical sites including the Metropolitan Cathedral, Monsignor Romero’s Crypt, and Cuscatlán Park.

One of the most powerful moments was accompanying the commemoration of the El Mozote Massacre in Morazán, alongside survivors, human rights organizations, and communities committed to memory, truth, and justice.

Read the delegates’ reflections here

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CRLN recently recommended that you watch a NISGUA webinar titled “From the U.S. to Central America: Asylum, Deportations, and COVID-19,” featuring five panelists from Central America and the U.S. who are experts on migration and powerful movement leaders. The panelists spoke about the illegal and inhumane Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACAs), also known as safe third country agreements. They also discussed deportations during the pandemic, which have greatly impacted already under-resourced medical systems in the Global South.

The recording of the webinar, complete with English subtitles, is now available for viewing, if you were unable to see it when the webinar first aired.

Links: 

Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACAs)

deportations during the pandemic

recording

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CRLN is a member of the Honduras Solidarity Network (HSN). Karen Spring is HSN’s representative in Honduras and is an insightful analyst of what is going on in Honduras today. We encourage you to tune into her upcoming podcast series. The first 2 episodes aired yesterday on the 11th anniversary of the 2009 overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya Rosales. Read her statement and listen below!

Hi there!

Today is the 11th anniversary of the 2009 coup d’état in Honduras. Like so many, I continue to be inspired by the amazing resistance of Hondurans across the country.

Today, I LAUNCHED the Honduras Now podcast, to remember not just a day that sparked a crisis in Honduras but a day that brought together an amazing and tireless popular movement that despite all odds, continues today.

 

Listen to the first two episodes:

** Episode One: The 2009 coup d’état in Honduras – download HERE
** Episode Two: What the coup means 11 years later – download HERE

If you would prefer to read the episodes (or get the links to Honduran feminist artist Karla Lara’s beautiful music), I will post the show notes at: www.hondurasnow.org

Hasta pronto! Thanks for listening!

Karen Spring
Honduras-based Coordinator, Honduras Solidarity Network (HSN)
Honduras Now Podcast

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Guatemala held elections last Sunday that were marred by the interference of the powers controlling the country in the electoral process. The primary anti-corruption candidate, who had been leading in the polls, fled to El Salvador after receiving a death threat earlier in the campaign season, as did the Special Prosecutor for Electoral Crimes. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal threw various obstacles in front of one of the indigenous parties, MLP, to limit its ability to campaign and to limit the number of votes for its candidates. One of its candidates and two of its campaign committee members were murdered. Neither of the two Presidential candidates who won the most votes and will have a run-off election in September have promised to support the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG), and so it will cease operations in September 2019.

Nevertheless, indigenous and progressive parties did better than usual in this election, and the population in general is outraged at official corruption. Below is a more detailed report on the election results by our friends at the Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA.

 

Guatemala’s June 16th General Elections:

Parties implicated in corruption will face off for the presidency, dominate congress

Strongest showing yet by opposition parties

 

GHRC

June 18, 2019

As expected, Sunday’s general elections in Guatemala resulted in a run-off for the presidency between former First Lady Sandra Torres (National  Unity of Hope – UNE – party) and four-time presidential candidate Alejandro Giamattei (Vamos Party).  The Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) reports that Torres took the lead with close to 26% of the vote and Giamattei followed with just under 14%. The run-off will take place August 11. Elected candidates will take office January 14.

The TSE reports that UNE won 53 out of 160 available congressional seats, up from 28 in the last elections.  UNE’s congressional showing alone makes it the dominant political force. Vamos took 16 seats.  During the outgoing Congress, UNE often voted with the“Pact of Corrupts,” an informal coalition that promoted laws favoring corruption and impunity, of which Vamos was considered an ally.

Maya Mam community organizer Thelma Cabrera (Movement for Peoples’ Liberation – MLP – party) came in with 10.5% of the vote, making her the highest polling indigenous presidential candidate ever in Guatemala, a majority indigenous country.  She came in a close fourth place behind Edmund Mulet.  Cabrera’s newly created MLP party issued a statement late in the day on Monday, rejecting the TSE’s official reports.  The MLP reports that local TSE officials refused to provide copies of the official acts registering polling station results as required by law, in some districts the MLP’s symbol was omitted from the ballot, the TSE did not provide MLP with its legally mandated publicity budget, and the TSE blocked MLP locals from opening bank accounts.  Concern regarding electoral irregularities has been heightened since the Special Prosecutor for Electoral Crimes, Oscar Schaad, resigned his post and fled Guatemala five days before the elections in response to death threats.   Leopaldo Guerra, the Director of the TSE’ Citizens Registry, which oversees the registration of candidates, also took a leave just days before the elections citing health reasons, while the Special Prosecutor Against Impunity (FECI), Juan Francisco Sandoval, is also reported to be on vacation.

Rural political observers note that during the campaign president Jimmy Morales’ principal anti-poverty initiative, a bag of foodstuffs known as “bolsa solidaria”, was handed out in many areas by UNE political operators.  This suggests an alliance between the outgoing FCN party and UNE.  Over seventeen years and one presidency, the UNE party, created to sponsor Torres’ former husbandÁlvaro Arzú [CRLN note: her former husband was Álvaro Colom] unsuccessful 2003 presidential bid, has built a voting base in rural areas where political clientelism dominates communities plagued by extreme levels of poverty.  Analysts also questioned Giammattei’s presidential showing, noting the Vamos party had no structure in the countryside and in the city polled similarly to Cabrera and Mulet.

On February 27 the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG) and its counterpart in the Public Prosecutors office, FECI, asked the Supreme Court of Justice to remove Sandra Torres’ political immunity, which derives from her status as a candidate, to face indictment for crimes related to illicit campaign financing during her last presidential bid in 2015.  This impeachment request is currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Torres could still face charges. Guatemalan press revealed that the charges against Torres were held up in the Attorney Generals’ Office until after she had gained immunity by registering as a candidate.

In 2009 Alejandro Giamattei faced charges brought by CICIG, he was accused of participation in death squad activities while he served as National Penitentiary Director in 2005 and 2006. After first seeking asylum in the Honduran embassy during the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti, Giamattei was acquitted in 2011 by Judge Carol Patricia Flores.  Flores is renowned for judicial acrobatics which favor impunity for corruption and crimes against humanity.  In April 2015, CICIG and FECI requested the removal of Flores’ immunity so that she could be investigated for money laundering and illicit enrichment.  Instead she was sanctioned and it was removed from presiding over a high-risk courtroom.

Sandra Torres has also been touched by prison murder scandals.  Her niece was arrested as an accomplice of Marvin “El Taquero” Montiel Marin in the prison murder of Montiel Marin’s rival, Byron Lima, for control of criminal networks in prison.  Montiel Marin is imprisoned convicted of running a drug assassin network responsible for burning a bus, killing all 26 people inside.

In keeping with past elections, TSE reported that approximately 5 million of 8 million registered voters participated and 13% voted null or left their ballots blank.  In the 2015 electoral law time nullified ballots can have legal implications; if over 50% of ballots are annulled the electoral law would mandate repeated elections.

This election was deeply impacted by court decisions.  Torres’ early challenger Zury Rios was removed from the ballot after the Constitutional Court supported the Elections Tribunal’s finding that, as the daughter of military coup author Efrian Rios Montt, Zury Rios is constitutionally barred from the presidency.  Corruption charges generally believed to be politically motivated removed another early front runner from the race, Semilla candidate and former Attorney General Thelma Aldana.  Aldana remains unable to enter Guatemala without arrest.  Mario Estrada, a lower polling candidate but who represented a significant party, UCN, was arrested in Miami on drug trafficking charges on April 17.  Despite the scandal, UCN won twelve seats in Congress.

Left-leaning opposition parties made the strongest showing since the 1950 elections spurred a CIA backed coup that led to decades of extreme violence directed against any opposition to the business-military alliance that ruled the country.  Parties identified with social demands and anti-corruption platforms took 15 seats in Congress; Semilla (7), Winaq (4), MLP (1) and URNG (3).  In the previous congress, they held thirteen seats; URNG- Winaq (3), Convergencia (3), and Encuentro por Guatemala (7).  Nineth Montenegro, human rights activist and congresswoman since 1996, was not re-elected.  Her party, Encuentro por Guatemala, did not win any seats and according to reforms in the electoral law, will cease to exist. Winaq candidate Aldo Davila on Sunday became the first openly gay man elected to congress. Sandra Moran was the first openly gay woman when she won a congressional seat in the 2015 elections on the Convergencia ticket.  She did not seek re-election. Convergencia did not win any seats in congress and will face a similar fate as Encuentro por Guatemala.

TSE results divide the remaining congressional seats between fifteen small, right wing parties.  Like UNE, they generally appear to have ties to corruption and drug trafficking networks, but are more strongly allied with the military, which seeks protection from prosecution for crimes against humanity.  Giamattei’s VAMOS party won 16 seats, while current president Jimmy Morales’ FCN party took only 7 seats.  Zury Rios’ VALOR party won 9 seats. The Humanista party, whose presidential candidate Edmund Mulet took third place with just over 11% of the vote, won 4 seats in Congress. Mulet was accused of collaborating in a child trafficking ring in the early 1980s. Mulet’s newly formed party’s founders came from the government of former President Alfonso Portillo, who served a prison sentence in New York for financial crimes. Portillo’s attempted bid for Congress was barred by electoral laws, his party, BIEN, won 8 seats.

The most significant incident reported at the polls on election day was the arrest of former General Luis Enrique Mendoza Garcia, the father-in-law of Estuardo Galdamez, presidential candidate for the governing FCN party who garnered just 4% of the vote.  General Mendoza Garcia, arrested Salama, Baja Verapaz, is charged with participating in acts of genocide against Maya Ixil communities between 1982-83.  Galdamez, a congressman representing El Quiche, also served as a military officer in the Ixil area during the genocide.  Maya community leaders and authorities from El Quiche reported with concern that during his campaign Galdamez sought to revive networks of military and former civil patrollers by promising payments to war veterans and demanding impunity for crimes against humanity committed by the military against a largely civilian population in the 1970 and 1980s.  Galdamez and seven fellow congressmen are accused of working with then Vice President Roxana Baldetti to pay fellow congressional representatives for votes on law proposals.

At least two candidates were murdered during campaigns, a mayorial candidate with the FUERZA party and a municipal corporation candidate with MLP.  The MLP also reported the murder of two campaign committee members in the Peten department.  The MLP killings are the latest in a series of murders that target successful Maya-led political projects. Thelma Cabrera represented the newly formed MLP party, the political arm of CODECA, a grassroots indigenous campesino community development organization.  A second successful community development organization, CCDA, brought important support to the Convergencia party. CCDA’s former National Coordinator, Leocadio Juracan, was a high profile congressman who from congress visibly promoted indigenous and campesino rights.

Last year, as planning for campaigns began, CODECA reported that six local leaders were murdered; the CCDA reported three. In 2019, CODECA reported the murder of a community organizer. All of these killings remain in impunity.  Cabrera’s relative success has caused reactions from the business sector. Juan Carlos Telef, president of Guatemala’s largest business association, CACIF,expressed concern that someone with Thelma Cabrera’s political perspectives could gain 10% of the vote.

Given Cabrera’s successful campaign, the increased show in congress, and the violence against MLP, CODECA and CCDA, it is concerning that attacks against parties with strong indigenous and campesino ties could increase in coming years.


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Chile, 1985:


Women soaked by water cannon during a demonstration against Pinochet on International Women’s Day in Santiago. Photograph: Julio Etchart/Julio Etchart

This week, CRLN joins millions of people around the world commemorating the 40th anniversary of Chile’s U.S.-backed military coup, which led to 17 years of dictatorship and tens of thousands of opposition activists murdered, disappeared, tortured, exiled, and imprisoned. Time has healed some, but also brought profound determination for truth and justice.

“As more time goes by, the truth of what happened and the full dimension of the violence becomes even clearer, and the country’s institutions are forced to assume their responsibility.”

Argentine-Chilean novelist, playwright, essayist, academic, and human rights activist Ariel Dorfman writes in the New York Times about how he survived the bombing of the presidential palace just by trading a shift with a colleague and friend. He also writes about the durable impacts of the coup that have spread throughout the globe:

“The most lasting legacy of Chile’s Sept. 11 were the economic policies implemented by Pinochet. My country became, in effect, a laboratory for a neoliberal experiment, a land of  unrestrained greed where extreme denationalization of public resources and suppression of workers’ rights were imposed on an unwilling populace. Many of these merciless policies were later deployed by leaders across the globe”.

Democracy Now!’s Amy Goodman interviews Joan Jara, the widow of Chilean singer Víctor Jara,

“who has just filed a civil lawsuit in U.S. court against the former military officer who allegedly killed Jara 40 years ago. Jara’s accused killer, Pedro Barrientos, has lived in the United States for roughly two decades and is now a U.S. citizen.”

Jara’s family is suing him under federal laws that allow U.S. courts to hear about human rights abuses committed abroad.”

 

TAKE ACTION! and join SOAWatch in calling for accountability for Victor Jara’s murder by Pedro Barrientos : “Jara was first held and tortured in the  infamous Estadio Chile (since renamed Estadio Victor Jara), which was turned into a nightmarish detention and torture center after the coup. Survivors and other witnesses claim that military officers broke Jara’s hands with the butts of their rifles before mockingly asking him to play his famous songs. Defiantly, Jara sang part of ‘Venceremos’ (We Will Win). His body was later dumped in the street, found riddled with 44 bullets and signs of extensive torture.”

Read a recounting by Hugh O’Shaughnessy, a prize-winning journalist who has written on Latin America for over 40 years, of the days immediately before and following the coup in Chile, where he was working as a journalist:

“As had already been the case after the military coups in Brazil in 1964 and then in Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia and Argentina, and as was to be the case latterly in modern Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantánamo Bay, the military and police torturers were ready with their electrodes, thumbscrews and waterboarding equipment to defend ‘western Christian civilisation’.”

Many had been brought to a peak of perfection in their
trade in the US itself or in its bases in the Panama canal zone by US instructors.”

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Dada la situación de derechos humanos en Honduras, CRLN proporcionará a sus miembros una actualización mensual de los problemas de derechos humanos que afligen al país.



  • Las autoridades hondureñas

    arrestaron a otro sospechoso del asesinato de Berta Caceres, Henry Javier Hernández Rodríguez, ex miembro del ejército hondureño,

    en Tamaulipas, México. La familia de Berta exige el arresto de los que planificaron el asesinato. Sin embargo, las autoridades hondureñas no parecen estar haciendo ningún esfuerzo para enjuiciar a los verdaderos autores intelectuales del asesinato de Berta.
  • Gustavo Castro, quien sobrevivió a un intento de asesinato cuando Berta Cáceres fue asesinada,

    presentó una acusación formal contra el Estado hondureño por violaciones a sus derechos humanos.

  • Global Witness publicó un informe que denuncia, tras una investigación de dos años,

    que 120 activistas ambientales han muerto desde el 2010 en Honduras y que en el centro del conflicto están las élites ricas y poderosas, entre ellas miembros de la clase política. Global Witness también denuncia que los Estados Unidos continua proporcionando ayuda de seguridad a Honduras a pesar de las continuas violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas por el estado hondureño . Sólo esta semana, los Estados Unidos dio los primeros fondos de la Alianza para la Prosperidad ($ 125 millones) al gobierno hondureño.
  • El presidente Juan Orlando Hernández está buscando una reforma al Código Penal y la introducción de nueva legislación que proporcionaría más poder a las fuerzas de seguridad del país. Además, con esta legislación, las fuerzas policiales, militares y de seguridad que matan o lesionan a los/las civiles en “defensa” estarían exentos de la justicia.

    CARITAS Honduras

    dijo que esta legislación llevaría al país de regreso a los años 80 cuando la oposición y los medios de comunicación fueron perseguidos y las prácticas de desapariciones forzadas ocurrieron regularmente.

    Amnistía Internacional critico las reformas propuestas al Código Penal.
  • Miriam Miranda y otros miembros del grupo cultural garífuna afro-hondureño OFRANEH fueron hostigados y amenazados por la Policía hondureña a principios de enero. La policía quería detener ilegalmente a Miranda y a otros tres defensores de derechos humanos, durante un puesto de control en La Ceiba. Miriam tiene medidas de protección de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH).
  • El periodista Igor Padilla, fue asesinado en la parte norte de Honduras. Honduras es uno de los países más peligrosos y mortales del mundo para ser periodista. Padilla se convirtió en el 63º trabajador de los medios de comunicación asesinado desde el 2003. 50 de los 63 asesinatos ocurrieron desde el 2009, después del golpe de Estado, y 24 solo en el 2014 y 2015.
  • OFRANEH está luchando contra Indura Hilton, que quiere construir centros turísticos en sus tierras ancestrales en el norte de Honduras, y denuncia el papel de la Procuraduría General en otorgar acceso a esa tierra a Indura Hilton
  • Honduras celebró el Día Nacional de la Mujer el pasado 25 de enero, y las defensoras y organizaciones locales de derechos de las mujeres protestaron contra la continua violencia y discriminación contra las mujeres en el país.
  • El presidente Hernández está buscando activamente una reelección ilegal, prohibida por la Constitución hondureña, y está hostigando a la oposición. En la elección anterior, el Partido Nacional robó fondos del sistema de la Seguridad Social, dejando a los/las enfermos/as y las personas con pocos recursos económicos sin medicinas y tratamientos, para financiar su campaña política.
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ACTION ALERT!


CRLN and our partner La Voz de Los de Abajo are sending just shy of 30
people to observe the Honduran elections on November 24th.

The current political climate of Honduras has led to the deaths of 18 candidates
from the opposition party as well as dozens of journalists, lawyers and human
rights defenders, of which only a handful of cases have been solved.

As impunity reigns in Honduras and citizens lose faith in their
governmental istitutions,

Democratic Senator Tim Kaine of Virginia is
circulating a letter to Secretary of State Kerry


demanding that the U.S.

– which has tremendous influence in Honduras –

press the Government of
Honduras to ensure the right of all its citizens to peacefully assemble,
campaign and vote.

Click here to tell your Senator that you want him or her to sign Senator
Kaine’s letter!

Support the Honduran people’s right to a democratic process!
Support the international monitoring efforts!

Click here to make your voice
heard!

You can also call Senator Durbin’s office at 202-224-2152 and ask that
Senator Durbin sign on Tim Kaine’s letter on the Honduran elections. Be sure to
tell them that your friends at CRLN and La Voz de Los de Abajo are going to
Honduras and that you’re looking to your elected officials to support the work
you’ll be doing down there to monitor the November 24th elections.



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