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Timeline of Events Surrounding Coup

Both the U.S. and Honduran mainstream media has published misinformation about the events surrounding the coup of June 28,2009.  For example, the allegation that President Zelaya wanted to change the constitution in order to extend his time in office was invented by the coup leaders and repeated early and often.  However, President Zelaya never stated this.  The following timeline includes critical events leading up to and following the coup, including social legislation passed by President Zelaya in the months before the coup:



November 11, 2008:


President Zelaya announces his intent to conduct an opinion poll to see if the people want to have a fourth ballot box installed at polling places during the next election (11/29/09).  This fourth ballot box would be in addition to the ballot boxes for President, Congress, and local officials for the purpose of holding a non-binding referendum asking people if they want the government to hold a National Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution.



February 2009:


President Zelaya increases the minimum wage by 60%. Chiquita (formerly United Fruit Company) and Dole join the Honduran Business Council in complaining that this will cut into their profits and lead to mass unemployment.  However, this increase results in salaries that are still less than a third of a living wage for Hondurans.



March 24, 2009:


President Zelaya issues a decree to the National Statistical Institute to hold the opinion poll on June 28, 2009.  Article 5 of the Honduran “Civil Participation Act” of 2006, approved by Congress and the Supreme Court at the time, allows public officials to perform non-binding public consultations to inquire what the population thinks about policy measures.  While the constitution can only be changed by a 2/3 majority of the Congress, Zelaya was merely attempting to gauge public opinion as an advisory measure for Congress.



March 25, 2009:


The Attorney General’s office notifies Zelaya that if he proceeds with the opinion poll, he will be charged with abuse of power.



May 2009:


The Supreme Court, the Congress, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal all rule that the opinion poll is illegal, in spite of the fact that in 2006, the Congress had passed and the Supreme Court had approved the above-mentioned Civil Participation Act allowing for non-binding public consultations.



June 25, 2009:


Gen. Romeo Vasquez, trained at the U.S. Army School of the Americas, tells President Zelaya that the armed forces will not distribute ballots for the non-binding referendum as ordered by the president.  President Zelaya fires him.



June 26, 2009:


Supreme Court rules that Gen. Vasquez be reinstated.  President Zelaya refuses to do so, saying “If an army rebels against a president, then we are back to the era of the cavemen, back to the darkest chapters in Honduran history.”  He and his supporters go to the Air Force base to collect and distribute the ballot boxes themselves.



June 28, 2009:


Early in the morning, armed forces led by Gen. Vasquez storm Zelaya’s home, disarm the Presidential guard, and fly him to Costa Rica.  The plane stops at Palmerola, a joint U.S. and Honduran military airfield.

The military patrols the streets in tanks and fly overhead in planes.  Electricity, phone lines, and international cable TV lines are cut; water is cut off to some neighborhoods; TV and radio stations supportive of Zelaya are taken off the air; and the stations still on the air report no news.

Nine ministers in Zelaya’s administration are detained.  A dozen Zelaya ministers go into hiding, fearing arrest.

An extraordinary session of Congress is called, but not all legislators are notified or present.  There is later dispute over whether Congress had a quorum.  A fake letter of resignation from President Zelaya is read and a vote is taken to remove Zelaya from office and install Roberto Micheletti, President of the Congress, as President.  Micheletti immediately orders a 24 hour curfew for all citizens which lasts for three days.  People cannot leave their houses even to buy food or water, without fear of army retaliation.  After the third day, the curfew is suspended and reinstated arbitrarily, at the whim of the coup government, for the next several months.

The Front of Resistance to the Coup is born, a coalition of labor, farmworker, student, indigenous, Garifuna (a mixed Afro-Caribe people), and feminist groups.  People who had not been part of protests in the past join the Front’s non-violent resistance in daily public demonstrations and marches in spite of the curfew.

All Latin American countries, the European Union and much of the rest of the world unequivocally condemn the coup and call for the reinstatement of President Zelaya.  Many over the next several days recall their ambassadors and cease economic relations with Honduras.  Secretary of State Clinton, refusing to use the word “coup,” condemns the “action” taken against President Zelaya and calls on “all parties in Honduras to respect the constitution and the rule of law.”  President Obama calls Zelaya’s ouster “illegal.”  However, the U.S. does not recall its ambassador, withdraw its military personnel from Honduras, cut off aid, or cease trade relations with Honduras.



June 30:


UN General Assembly calls for restitution of Zelaya as president of Honduras.



July 1:


Introduced by Micheletti, Congress issues an order suspending freedom of assembly, freedom of transit, due process, and permitting search and seizure without a warrant.



July 2:


European Union countries recall their ambassadors to Honduras.



July 4:


Organization of American States (OAS) suspends Honduras’ membership.



July 5:


President Zelaya flies to Honduras.  Crowds gather at the airport to meet him, but coup government prevents the plane from landing.  1 killed, dozens wounded.



August 4:


The State Department sends a letter to the Senate to “clarify” the U.S. position on the events in Honduras.  “We energetically condemn the actions of June 28. We also recognize that President Zelaya’s insistence on undertaking provocative actions contributed to the polarization of Honduran society and led to a confrontation that unleashed the events that led to his removal.”  The State Department is still unwilling to call the events of June 28 a coup.



September 3:


U.S. State Department stops $30 million in non-humanitarian aid from going to Honduras but is still unwilling to call the events of June 28 a military coup.



September 21:


President Zelaya returns to Honduras secretly and takes up residence in the Brazilian Embassy.  The coup government again declares a curfew, which lasts until Sept. 23 at 10 a.m., only to resume at 4 p.m. that same day.  People are trapped in their houses, many without food or water.  Nevertheless, many defy the curfew and gather outside the Brazilian Embassy in support of Zelaya that night.



September 22, 2009:


Early in the morning, police violently break up the gathering of Zelaya supporters.  Mr. Micheletti issues a secret decree suspending the constitution and civil liberties for 45 days, finally published in the government register September 26.  Campaign of harassment begun against those in the Brazilian Embassy.



September 30, 2009:


Police invade the National Agrarian Institute, arresting 50 farmworkers who had been occupying the building since the coup.  The farmworkers were trying to prevent the coup government from destroying or changing land titles that were finally being registered for farmworkers under Zelaya’s land reform measures.



October 29, 2009:


Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Shannon negotiates an accord between Zelaya and Micheletti, in which Micheletti agrees to let the Congress vote on Zelaya’s restoration to the presidency in return for Zelaya’s agreement that he will not seek a constitutional assembly or change the constitution, that he will support November 29 elections and encourage his supporters not to protest them in any way, that the army will be responsible for elections logistics and “keeping order” during the campaign season and on election day, and that he will participate in a “unity and reconciliation government” with those who carried out the coup.  Sec. Shannon makes clear that the expectation on all sides is that Congress will vote on Zelaya’s reinstatement very soon, by November 6 at the latest.



October 30, 2009:


Congress announces it will go on indefinite recess.



November 3:


Sec. Shannon announces that the U.S. will recognize the legitimacy of the November 29 elections whether or not Zelaya is restored to the presidency.



November 9:


President Zelaya announces he will no longer support the accord, since the Congress shows no sign of voting on his reinstatement.

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INFORMATION TO FIND SOMEONE IN DETENTION


Below you will find contact information for groups who can help you find family, friends or members of your congregations in detention.

The

Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights (ICIRR) Family Support Hotline – 1-855-435-7693 or 855-HELP-MY-F(amily) — is a good place to start.

It connects families in crisis with reliable and immediate information, referrals to legal, ministry, and social services – while also providing a long-term connection to someone who can help them locally. Click

here

for the ICIRR website.

Contact the

Interfaith Committee for Detained Immigrants (ICDI)



1-773-779-6011 ext 3846​ –

for information about detention centers, weekly vigils at detention centers, and how to get care packages to loved ones in detention. Click

here

for the ICDI website.

You can also try to locate individuals through the

ICE Online Detainee Locator System

at

https://locator.ice.gov

, by calling the ICE Helpline at 1-888-351-4024, or by calling the consulate of the detainee’s home country.


Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO)

: For information on detainees housed at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility, family members and attorneys should contact Chicago field office: 101 West Congress Parkway, Suite 4000, Chicago, Illinois 60605,

Phone:

(312) 347-2400


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


INFORMACION PARA ENCONTRAR ALGUIEN EN DETENCION


A continuación encontrará información de contacto de grupos que pueden ayudarle a encontrar a familiares, amigxs o miembros de sus congregaciones en detención.


La Coalición de Illinois para Inmigrantes y Refugiados

(ICIRR por sus siglas en ingles) tiene una línea de ayuda para familias  – 1-855-435-7693 o 855-HELP-MY-F (amily) – este es un buen lugar para comenzar. ICIRR Conecta a las familias en crisis con información confiable e inmediata, proporciona referencias a servicios legales, ministeriales y sociales – al mismo tiempo que provee una conexión a largo plazo con alguien que pueda ayudarles localmente.

Haga clic aquí para ver el sitio web de ICIRR.

Comuníquese con el

Comité Interreligioso para Inmigrantes Detenidos

(ICDI) 1-773-779-6011, extensión 3846- para obtener información sobre centros de detención, vigilias semanales en los centros de detención y cómo mandar paquetes de atención a sus seres queridos en detención.

Haga clic aquí para ver el sitio web de ICDI.

También puede tratar de localizar a personas a través del

Sistema en línea de localización de detenidos de ICE

en

https://locator.ice.gov

, llamando a la línea de ayuda de ICE al 1-888-351-4024 o llamando al consulado del país de origen del detenido.


Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO)

: Familiares y abogados buscando información sobre personas detenidas con El Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ICE) pueden contactar la oficina central: 101 West Congress Parkway, Suite 4000, Chicago, Illinois 60605,

Teléfono:

(312) 347-2400

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Your members of Congress owe their seat in Congress to votes from your district and state.  Money matters far more than it should in American politics, and it may often seem that members don’t listen.  But members of Congress

do

pay attention to their constituents, and

you

can have an impact.  Congressional offices count the letters they receive ON various issues, and

your action to send letter can have a direct effect on votes and actions

Most foreign policy issues aren’t front and center for members of Congress.  On a back-burner issue, even a small number of letters can make a BIG difference.

If you belong to a non-governmental, religious, grassroots or community organization, you can build a personal connection between your organization and your congressional offices on a set of issues that can significantly advance your cause.

Making effective phone calls to the Washington office of your members of Congress

  1. Ask to speak with the staff person responsible for the issue. On foreign policy issues, this will often be the foreign policy aide.

    If you know the appropriate staff person’s name who deals with your issue, so much the better.

    Give your name and tell the receptionist that you are a constituent (you will be more likely to get through to the aide).
  2. Introduce yourself very briefly to the staffer, explaining that you are a constituent and, if you belong to a local organization concerned about this issue, add that connection.
  3. Be specific about what you want the member to do.  Don’t just complain about an issue; say you want the member to vote for or sponsor a specific bill or amendment, or take a particular action, like sign a congressional “dear colleague” letter.
  4. Ask what the member’s position is on the issue.  If the staff person doesn’t know or won’t say what the member’s position is, ask what they, the staff person, will be recommending to the member.

    Ask them to learn what the member’s position is on the issue, and to get back to you with that information.

    Thank them for their time.
  • Recognize that congressional staffers are often very pressed for time. Make your message

    short and direct

    .

  • Be prepared to get voicemail.

    Prepare a brief one or two sentence summary of what you want to leave on voicemail. Do give your name and contact information. You may want to ask them to call you back. If it’s right before a vote, leaving your “plug” for the vote without asking for a call back may be sufficient.

Scheduling a meeting with your congressional office in D.C. or in your district

1. To make a meeting with your member of Congress or one of their staff, follow the same directions as above; but rather than telling them what you would like them to do over the phone, simply tell them which issue you would like to discuss in person, and ask them when they and/or the member would be available for a meeting to discuss your issue.
2. A very effective tactic is to organize a group meeting of constituents who can speak from a variety of backgrounds (academic, religious, business…) and ask for a meeting with the member himself/herself.
3. In order to schedule a meeting with the member, it is likely that you will be asked to fax a formal meeting request letter to the member’s scheduler. This is normal procedure.

Tips on congressional visits

1.

Introduce yourself and your local community links

(groups associated with, member of a board, etc). Say what you want to talk about, which issue and piece of legislation.
2.

Find something to thank them for.

If they’ve voted right in the past, make sure to mention that (it is a good idea to know your member’s voting record on the issue before you go into the meeting).

3.

Get the member or aide to talk.

Ask what the member’s position is on the legislation and why. Do they support specific amendments? How will they vote? This will give you a framework to shape your dialogue and address their issues.
4. Often you might be talking about an amendment that the member doesn’t know well.

Be prepared to explain the amendment

briefly and ask if she/he wants more information.
5.

Ask for something more and something specific

. Open with a specific request. If the member is already on your side, ask for something more. If the member is good on the issue, show her/him a list of needed representatives or senators. Ask which ones she/he knows well enough to ask to support getting favorable action on the amendment.
6.

Stay on message.

Don’t be put off by smokescreens or long-winded answers. Bring her/him back to the point. Keep control of the visit.
7.

Speak from your experience.

If you are meeting with your member’s office on Cuba and have traveled to Cuba or have heard a Cuban speak, share your story. You do not need to be an expert. Bring as many facts about which you feel comfortable to the table, but give stories from your experiences if possible. Don’t stray from the real facts, however!
8.

Present supporting documents

, such as relevant local editorials, denominational church statements, etc. Underline or highlight the most relevant portions of the document and reference the information as you hand it to the aide or member.
9.

Close the deal.

Get a commitment on your specific request. If you got a “yes,” then you are done. If not, ask what the member would need in order to do what you want. Then follow up on those concerns.

10.

Continue to build the relationship.

Relationships go through ups and downs, but they continue. Send a thank-you note. Keep in contact with the staffer as you receive new information or as votes approach. After the vote, give your member feedback-either thank her/him, or express your concerns if she/he voted against the amendment you were supporting.



Do’s

  • Do learn members’ committee assignments and where their specialties lie.
  • Do identify the aide(s) that handle the issues and build a relationship with them.
  • Do present the need for what you’re asking the member to do. Use reliable information.
  • Do relate situations in their home state or district to legislation.
  • Do, in the case of voting records, ask why the member voted the way she/he did.
  • Do show openness to knowledge of the counterarguments.
  • Do admit what you don’t know. Offer to find out and send information back to the office.
  • Do spend time even when the member has a position against yours. You can lessen the intensity of her/his opposition, or you might even change her/his position.



Don’ts

  • Don’t overload a congressional lobby visit with too many issues. One visit for one or two topics.
  • Don’t confront, threaten, pressure, beg or speak with a moralistic tone.
  • Don’t be argumentative; speak with calmness and commitment so as not to put the staff or member on the defensive.
  • Don’t use easy ideological arguments.
  • Don’t overstate the case. Members and staff are very busy.
  • Don’t expect members to be specialists; their schedule and workload make them generalists.
  • Don’t make promises you can’t keep.
  • Don’t leave the visit without leaving a position or fact sheet in the office.
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General Assembly Council100 Witherspoon St

Louisville KY 40202

Tel 502-569-5315

Fax 502-569-8039

www.pcusa.org

The 218th General Assembly approved Item 11-18:


Report on Human Rights in Colombia

From the Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy and the Presbyterian Peacemaking Program

The Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy (ACSWP) and the Presbyterian Peacemaking Program (PPP) recommend that the 218th General Assembly (2008) of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) do the following:

1. Call on the members and congregations of the PC(USA) to study the situation in Colombia, diligently pray for the work of the Presbyterian Church of Colombia, and advocate with senators, representatives, and the president of the United States to lay down the weapons of violence and support the nonviolent struggle of the churches and civil society of Colombia and those in the U.S. who stand beside Colombians to end the violence by:

  • Withdrawing military support to the government of Colombia.

 

  • Reorienting U.S. policies toward Colombia in such a way as to encourage a more equitable distribution of that country’s immense wealth, and to protect the rights of groups threatened by the interests of large corporations, including indigenous people, Afro-Colombians, labor leaders, human rights workers, and many campesinos.

 

  • Ending the aerial fumigation for coca crops and focusing on programs that provide higher levels of  support for farmers to convert to alternative crops and that reduce demand for drugs in the United States.

 

  • Transferring U.S. support to the growing civil society committed to democracy and nonviolence.

 

  •  Providing aid to strengthen health care, education, and nutrition, especially among the displaced.

 

  •  Increasing aid for resettlement of displaced persons in their homelands.

 

  •  Channeling aid through nongovernmental organizations.

 

  • Supporting the commendable work of the United Nations in Colombia, especially the work of the high commissioner of refugees with internal refuges, displaced women, and threatened indigenous communities.

 

  •  Ratifying and urging Colombia to also ratify, the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.

 

2.  Direct the World Mission’s ministry area, in consultation with the appropriate entities of the General Assembly Council (GAC) and the Office of the General Assembly (OGA), to continue to monitor the situation in Colombia, and to keep the whole church abreast of these findings; and to offer advice and counsel, as needed, about how this denomination can continue to support the peacekeeping efforts of our partners in Colombia.

3.  Direct the Presbyterian Washington Office (PWO) to continue to educate the members of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and their representatives in the Congress of the United States of America about the effect of American legislation on the lives of individual Colombian citizens with particular emphasis on Plan Colombia and the Free Trade Agreement.

4.  Direct the Presbyterian United Nations Office (PUNO) to continue to represent the concerns of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) to the committees and delegates of the United Nations.

5.  Affirm and further encourage the work of the Accompaniment Program of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) that watches over and shadows vulnerable and threatened Colombia citizens as they seek justice for their most threatened and needy population.

6. Direct the appropriate entities of the General Assembly Council (GAC), in consultation with the Office of the General Assembly (OGA), to continue to monitor and address human rights violations in the United States, and in other nations brought to their attention by the members of this denomination and/or the partner churches.


7. Direct the Stated Clerk to write to the members of Congress of the United States of America, urging them not to ratify the Free Trade Agreement with Colombia, which would have grave consequences for workers, indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations, and the environment.

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While there is not currently a specific bill on Colombia currently in Congress, CRLN and our partners continue to educate Members of Congress about the issues facing the country. See below for some good resources that you too can use when talking to your representatives.


Recent Congressional Dear Colleague Letter on Colombia Policy


PC(USA) General Assembly Report on Human Rights in Colombia


United States Office on Colombia


Center for International Policy’s Colombia Program


International Campaign for the Right to Defend Human Rights


US and Colombia Sign Military Base Agreement

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Face the Displaced

Colombia: Our Hemisphere’s Hidden Humanitarian Crisis

With over four million Colombians forcibly displaced from their homes by a debilitating war, Colombia is now the second worst internal displacement crisis in the world.

We would like to invite you, to help CRLN and people across the country do something about it.

On April 16-19, tens of thousands across the U.S. and Colombia will participate in this year’s Days of Prayer and Action for Colombia to call for a much-needed shift in U.S. policies toward the war-torn country.  Please join us.  Find out what you can do to by clicking “Read More.”

As you know,

the U.S. has for too long been part of Colombia’s problem, not the solution.

U.S. policy towards Colombia has been dominated by massive military aid, futile fumigations, and now a proposed NAFTA-style free trade agreement.  In this moment of changing the way things are done in Washington, it’s our chance to call on President Obama to chart a new path with Colombia–one that halts the displacement, supports victims of violence, and opens avenues to peace.

To boost awareness of Colombia’s crisis and amplify the call for policy change, we are joining a dozen other national organizations in launching the fifth annual

Days of Prayer and Action for Colombia.

In March, hundreds of universities, faith communities, and organizations will be assembling thousands of printed faces of Colombia’s displaced people to be later displayed in poignant, eye-catching displays.  While displaced people’s faces make appearances in numerous cities and towns in April, congregations across the country will be praying for peace in Colombia-focused worship services.  The anticipated tens of thousands of participants will have the opportunity to send messages to the Obama Administration asking for policy changes needed to make peace in Colombia possible.

Here’s how you can get involved:


1.

Dedicate a worship service to Colombia in April.

On the weekend of

April 16-19,

hundreds of faith communities in the U.S. and Colombia will incorporate Colombia into the weekly worship service to raise awareness of the spiraling displacement and pray for peace.  Please suggest to your faith community leaders this week that a worship service focuses on Colombia.  We will provide you with a packet of sample sermons, prayers, background info, bulletin inserts, and other materials to help bring this critical Colombia focus.

 


 

2.

Host a “Face the Displaced” party in March.

Throughout the month, student, church, and community groups will be gathering to print and assemble thousands of faces of those currently displaced in Colombia.  Through their portraits and accompanying statements, featured Colombians will tell participants the oft-tragic and oft-inspiring stories of their struggles to cope with displacement.  Please ask your student club, church group, or community organization to consider doing a “Face the Displaced” party in March.  We will provide you with a packet of faces, stories, instructions, factsheets, and other helpful materials.

Host your own event in March

or join CRLN and our Chicago partners for a workshop on

April 16th, 4-6pm at 8th Day Center for Justice.


3.

Display the displaced in a public demonstration in April.

Thousands of faces of Colombia’s displaced, upon being assembled in “Face the Displaced” parties, will be displayed in moving public demonstrations across the country in April.  Please ask your student group, congregation, or community organization to consider setting up a public display.  We will provide faces assembled in your area, in addition to tips on pulling off an effective display/demonstration.  After April, the faces of the displaced will all be sent to Washington, D.C. for one final, massive display and to be presented in person to representatives of the Obama Administration.  Join us at

Federal Plaza

on

April 19th, 11:30am-2pm

to raise awareness here in Chicago!


4.     National Call in Day, April 19th.

Join people all over the country in calling Congress to demand a new direction in US-Colombia foreign policy. We are especially asking our Members of Congress to co-sponsor

HRes 1224

, which protects the rights of Afro-Colombians and Indigenous peoples.

Click

here

for Witness for Peace’s Packet of instructions and resources for Days of Prayer and Action.

I hope you’ll consider standing with millions of displaced Colombians in this growing effort to bring meaningful U.S. policy change.  Please let me know your thoughts.  I am happy to provide the materials mentioned above and answer any questions you may have.  Email me at

earmstrong@crln.org

for more information.

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Introduced on March 25 by Hank Johnson (GA), this resolution recognizes the work that the Colombian Constitutional Court has done for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Colombia, specifically Afro-Colombians, Indigenous peoples, and women.

The Resolution succinctly sums up the situation of Colombia’s nearly 4 million displaced people, and recognizes that Afro-Colombians, indigenous, and women are disproportionately displaced and often face unique challenges. The Constitutional Court in Colombia has called on the government multiple times to offer protection to displaced communities and continues to be at the forefront of advocating for these communities. The Resolution supports those Court decisions and calls on the Colombian government to fulfill its role in protecting displaced communities.


Current Illinois Co-sponsors

Danny K Davis (D-7)

Jesse Jackson, Jr. (D-2)

Bobby Rush (D-1)

Jan Schakowsky (D-9)

Phil Hare (D-17)

Mike Quigley (D-5)


For More Information

For the full text of the resolution and a full list of co-sponsors,

click here

Latin America Working Group’s Alert on HRes 1224

Support IDPs in Colombia by participating in

Days of Prayer and Action.

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CRLN board member, Sidney Hollander, and program director, Gary Cozette, are currently in Honduras on human rights delegation with our partners,


La Voz de los de Abajo

a Chicago-based group. Yesterday, on the anniversary of the coup, the group attended the Resistance March in Tegucigalpa, in solidarity with the Resistance movement and in protest of the on-going human rights abuses committed under coup-successor, President “Pepe” Lobo. Below is a letter from Gary and pictures from the march.
Dear CRLN Members and Friends,

Yesterday, our Chicago delegation accompanied the lively, diverse Resistance March in the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa. Sidney Hollander, the CRLN Board member on this delegation, calculates turn-out by about how many people can fill a baseball stadium, which he estimates at 40,000. His guess? A shade under 40,000. Others estimated as high as 100,000.   We heard unconfirmed reports that some buses coming to the march were not allowed to enter Tegucigalpa. The reason the numbers were lower in Tegucigalpa than in previous major marches is in large part because the Frente has decided to decentralize them. Subsequently, major marches took place in all parts of the country yesterday. In Tegucigalpa, I was amazed by the great number of young people, ages 14-25, participating with great creativity. We hope to have pictures on our web site soon. In the mean time, you can see pictures from one of the web sites noted below in today’s


Hemispheric Brief


coverage of the coup anniversary.

On a negative note,


Berta Caceres,


a key leader of COPINH, the national indigenous organization of Honduras, was taken captive by military police in the town of La Esperanza. After the local population mobilized at the police station and an urgent action alert went out, Berta was released several hours after her capture. However, the police confiscated from Berta 400 signed affidavits seeking a national Constitutional assembly. The Resistance Front is organizing across Honduras to secure over 1 million signed affidavits to convene a national constituent assembly to draft a new Constitution to replace the current one drafted in 1982 amid the Cold War violence of the 1980s.  Diverse sectors of Honduran civil society in the resistance movement tell us that the current Constitution is privileging the interests of the oligarchy, the elite and transnational corporations seeking to “loot” their national resources.


Gary L. Cozette, Program Director

Hemispheric Brief – June 29, 2010 / Excerpts covering Honduras

In Honduras, more on the one year anniversary of the coup.

IPS has a good report

from Thelma Mejía who says “defacto” military veto power in the country continues to block any possible political or electoral reforms in the country.  The story comes after the head of the Honduran Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) said the possibility of ending the military’s role as the transporter of ballot boxes during elections was being considered.  Just days later, however, the TSE changed its tune entirely after a meeting with senior military officials.  According to IPS, the TSE now it “will seek to ‘expand’ the functions of the military [in the electoral process], including the possibility of allowing members of the armed forces to vote. According to Leticia Salomón, an expert in military affairs, one of the most significant consequences of last year’s coup has been the growing role of the military in the public sphere.  The country now has “highly politicized security forces, and in the case of the military, the leadership has become a decision-making body, says Salomón.

The pro-coup


El Heraldo


reports on FNRP protests yesterday, saying only about 2000 individuals showed up for marches in the capital commemorating last year’s coup.  I haven’t seen figures from the FNRP itself yet but

Vos el Soberano

does have photos. Pro-coup

La Tribuna

, meanwhile, reports on FNRP marches in San Pedro Sula where some 3000 resistance members took a bridge for nearly three hours.  Meanwhile, the FNRP announced it had collected

some 600,000 signatures

in favor of holding a constituent assembly.  For his part, Mel Zelaya watched events from the Dominican Republic.  In a letter released on the coup’s anniversary, Mr. Zelaya’s harshest words were saved for the United States, which, he now claims, was “behind the coup.”  As the

AP

reports, Zelaya cited what he called the “public support the United States wound up giving to the coup.”  And RAJ at

Honduras Culture and Politics

has a list of recommendations about what the Lobo government could do to start a process of real national dialogue.  I recommend reading in-full.

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More Death Caused by Honduran Military and Paramilitaries

CRLN’s partners, La Voz de Los de Abajo, report on their blog about the latest military and paramilitary violence in Honduras.  Media, newspapers, radio stations, and journalists have been targeted for repression, abduction and execution; this latest episode included a police attack on Radio Uno in the town of San Pedro Sula.  At least one death was reported.  For more information, check La Voz de Los de Abajo’s blog Honduras Resists at

http://hondurasresists.blogspot.com/

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March 6th, 4pm – 7 pm, Timberlanes (1851 W. Irving Park Road)



Chicago-Cinquera Sister Cities’ annual Bowl-a-Rama to raise funds for the rural community of Cinquera, El Salvador, is coming up again, and CRLN will be forming a team.  Will you bowl with us?  Will you form your own team?  Call the CRLN office at 773-293-2964 and let us know if you will participate by collecting pledges from donors and spending a few hours bowling with others interested in people-to-people development.  The cost to bowl is $25, but if you collect $50 or more in pledges, bowling is free!

Chicago-Cinquera is a community to community-based solidarity organization, whose collaboration seeks to work together to build an international movement for social justice and human dignity through a hopeful alternative strategy and vision for development.  For more information, go to

www.chicago-cinquera.org

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