(Español Aqui)

The end of 2016 and 2017 have seen the adoption of Peace Accords between the Colombian government and the largest rebel group, FARC, and a new round of Peace Talks begun between the government and the smaller rebel group, ELN. At this point, the FARC has demobilized and is moving into designated “camps,” where they will live for an allotted amount of time before being free to relocate. They have been given the right to form a political party and run candidates for public office.

However, other armed groups who were not part of the Peace Accords still roam the countryside and are moving with their weapons into the spaces that the FARC used to control. These are the right-wing successors to the paramilitary groups that were supposedly dismantled ten years ago. Local people they terrorize say these newly named groups contain many of the same individuals who belonged to the former paramilitary groups. They also say that the national security forces do nothing to stop paramilitary violence, even when they are stationed nearby and are asked to do so.

These armed groups have often been deployed to further private interests on valuable land—for example, to violently displace communities of small landholders to provide free land for wealthy individuals or corporations to plant palm oil plantations. By 2017, over 6 million people had been violently displaced from their land in Colombia during the course of the 50+ year war.

Since December of 2016, these reorganized paramilitary groups have gone on a rampage, particularly in areas with African-descended and Indigenous populations, and killed hundreds of people. There is no peace, despite the Peace Accords, in the many areas where these groups are active. Without some commitment on the part of the Colombian government to disarm and dismantle these reorganized paramilitary groups, there will be no peace in Colombia. Nor will there be peace unless those in the paramilitary groups who have committed human rights violations are held to the same standards of justice as members of FARC during the period of transitional justice on the road to peace.

Before he left office, President Obama had promised $450 million to Colombia, much of it to be given to NGOs rather than the government, to support the implementation of the Peace Accords. While CRLN appreciated the diversion of military funds to funds for peace, we thought these funds would be better used if distributed directly to grassroots Colombian groups active in the local places where peace must be realized between former combatants on opposite sides in the war or between combatants from either side and civilian survivors of violence. That may be a moot point, as President Trump and his Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, have signaled that the US may withdraw support from Colombia’s peace process entirely. We must advocate for continuing support for the peace process, given its fragility and the challenges it faces.


CRLN will be in DC from April 21-24, visiting Illinois Representatives and Senators. Send your signature to D.C. with CRLN

by singing up HERE.

Our ask will be for funding to implement the Peace Accords in Colombia and for Colombian officials to dismantle paramilitaries still active in the country.​

For further reading, here are some recent articles on Colombia:

Amnesty International report on attacks in NW Colombia:


https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/03/colombia-spike-in-attacks-against-peace-community-shows-conflict-still-alive

Telesur article on paramilitary groups moving into territory left behind as FARC demobilizes:

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Paramilitary-Groups-Fight-To-Take-Over-Lands-Left-by-FARC-20170212-0040.html

Washington Office on Latin America on Colombian Congressional efforts to water down Peace Accords:

Colombia’s New Transitional Justice Law Violates the Spirit of the Peace Accords


NACLA (North American Congress on Latin America) on the importance of continued US-Colombia solidarity:


https://nacla.org/news/2017/02/07/continued-importance-us-colombia-solidarity-trump-era?platform=hootsuite&utm_content=buffer3fe1d&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

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More than a month after the murder of Honduran indigenous Lenca activist Berta Cáceres, the Honduran investigation into the crime has gone nowhere. CRLN believes that both the Honduran government and the U.S. State Department are blocking attempts by Berta’s family and human rights groups to transfer the investigation to an international team with no conflicts of interest in the case who could ensure justice.

Berta’s family insists it does not trust Honduran officials to investigate her murder and have called for an

independent, international investigation coordinated by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR)

and whose conclusions would lead to a court case to try those responsible.  Honduran law states that the family can have access to the case file and consult with experts of its choosing, but the state prosecutor’s office has refused to share information with them and has ignored their requests for experts to be present at various moments in the investigation. The sole witness to the crime, Mexican environmentalist Gustavo Castro, says that Honduran investigators modified the crime scene and sought to intimidate him into incriminating members of Berta’s organization, COPINH. Honduras’ 98% impunity rate is also grounds for mistrust.

President Juan Orlando Hernández claimed that Honduran investigators were working with the FBI to solve the crime. CRLN members and staff who called the State Department to ask it to support an IACHR investigation were also told that the FBI was working with Honduran investigators. However,

it turns out that this is not true

. Given the U.S. record of support for the current Honduran administration, in spite of massive government corruption uncovered last year and its abysmal human rights record, FBI help might not be what is needed anyway.

President Hernández also called on the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights for help, but as the family and human rights groups quickly pointed out, this office does not conduct investigations, just observes. Finally, President Hernández agreed that the Organization of American States (OAS)’s Commission Against Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH, for its Spanish acronym)  could make an investigation. However, that body is only consultative, and the Honduran government has no obligation to enforce its recommendations. The U.S. State Department agrees, however, that MACCIH is the proper channel for the investigation.

It seems clear that both Honduras and the U.S. are primarily engaged in public relations and damage control around Berta’s murder, not interested in finding the material and intellectual authors of her death. Both are interested in at worst destroying, at best keeping the lid on, social movements which disrupt the ability of corporate extractive industries to do their business. That business is protected by both private security guards and the

Honduran military and police, heavily funded by the U.S

., who are deployed against activists, like Berta and many others, in the social movements. COFADEH, the most prominent human rights organization in Honduras, is talking about the

activity of death squads

again.

Berta’s daughters and son have returned from meetings in the DC area, disappointed at not getting official U.S. support for an IACHR investigation. They have returned to Honduras, where they will participate in an International Solidarity event called “Berta Cáceres Vive” [Berta Cáceres lives] April 13-15, organized by COPINH, the organization their mother co-founded. As U.S. citizens, the ball is in our court now. Stay tuned for next steps as CRLN and other organizations concerned about Honduras identify strategies to prompt a credible investigation into Berta’s death.

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Berta Caceres’ Case

COPINH denounces the continous will of the Honduran State to keep in impunity the case of Berta Cáceres Flores. Read their statement here: (Spanish only)

http://copinhonduras.blogspot.it/2017/04/el-copinh-denuncia-la-reiterada.html

On April 7th,

Two letters by US Senators and Representatives were sent to the US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson expressing their concern about the situation of human right defenders in Honduras.

78 US politicians demand that military and police aid to Honduras be withheld until the situation for human rights defenders improves drastically in the country.

CRLN staff and board members participated, in a Voz de los de Abajo delegation in March, as human rights observers in a march by COPINH and its allies to the Supreme Court. They delivered a letter containing a constitutional challenge to the legality of the Legislative Decrees authorizing the Agua Zarca Hydroelectric Project on the Gualcarque River, something Berta had wanted to do before she was killed. That was March 1, and the Constitutional Chamber has not yet admitted it for consideration by the Supreme Court.

*Karla Lara and Melissa Cardoza, feminists, social justice organizers in Honduras and close friends of Berta Caceres, are doing a US tour April 20th to May 23rd.

Melissa Cardoza’s book,


13 Colors of the Honduran Resistance,
tells thirteen stories of women who joined the resistance to the U.S.-backed 2009 coup d’etat. She will be touring along with her fellow member of the Honduran “Red de Defensoras,” or network of women rights defenders, beloved Honduran jazz/folk protest singer

Karla Lara,

who appears in one of the book’s stories and has been an icon and sharp voice in the resistance.

They will be in Chicago with CRLN on April 30th, Join Us.

Read more about Karla and Melissa and their work here.

2017 National Elections

The Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) is an ally of the Juan Orlando government, by letting him run for the 2017 elections, despite that re-election is prohibited by the Honduran constitution. Now, the TSE wants to forbid the Party Against Corruption (PAC), a major opposition party, from the national elections on November. The TSE wants PAC to hold an internal leadership election on May 21ST. However, this date will give the political opposition just four days to decide on a political alliance- making it extremely hard to form such alliance. By May 25, all alliances must be officially listed.

Garifuna and Indigenous Communities

The UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples,

Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, visited Honduras from April 16-21st.

She met with the highest national governmental authorities, representatives of indigenous peoples, civil society organizations and the private sector.

Her first visit to the country was in November 2015

. This second visit was a follow up on observations and recommendations regarding the process to regulate the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous and Afro-Honduran peoples. She presented recommendations to the Honduran government, and many fear that these

recommendations will be ignored once again.

The Honduran government is currently drafting a free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) law. However indigenous organizations, such as OFRANEH (Garifuna) and COPINH (Lenca) , denounce that the government is

marginalizing indigenous communities from the process and instead the Juan Orlando’s administration is taking over.

There has been a

recent violent attack against labor leaders at the international company Fyffes.

Solidarity Center reports that “Moisés Sánchez, secretary general of the melon export branch of the Honduran agricultural workers’ union, Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Agroindustria y Similares (STAS), and his brother, union member Misael Sánchez

, say they were attacked late last week by six men wielding machetes as they left the union office in the southern town of Choluteca

, an area where agricultural workers harvest melons and other export produce”.

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(The New York Times did not print this letter from the Coalition Against Impunity, a group of Honduran civil society human rights organizations)

Re: How the Most Dangerous Place on Earth Got Safer

As the Coalition Against Impunity, a group of Honduran civil society human rights organizations, we strongly disagree that the impact of US aid is positive. Our experience on the ground shows thatviolence is rampant — and seriously underreported—and we still face high levels of impunity. For this reason, we recently sent a letter to the US Congress demanding suspension of aid to the Honduran State under the Alliance for Prosperity, due to the lack of political will to protect human rights.

Nazario’s opinion piece calls for more U.S. aid precisely when a group of 31 legislators led by Rep. Hank Johnson has presented the much-needed “Berta Caceres Human Rights in Honduras Act” to suspend all security aid to Honduras following Caceres’ assassination last March. Among those detained are two army officers, one on active duty.

To cite supposed progress in one neighborhood and deduce that US aid benefits our whole country is either careless or tendentious. The human rights crisis in Honduras will only improve when the US ceases to support a government that commits crimes against its own people with impunity and, rather than being sanctioned, is rewarded with millions of US taxpayer dollars.

The Coalition Against Impunity:

Asociación de Jóvenes en Movimiento (AJEM); Asociación de Jueces por la Democracia (AJD); Asociación de Mujeres Intibucanas Renovadas (AMIR); Asociación Feminista Trans (AFeT); Asociación FIAN Honduras; Asociación Hermanas Misioneras de San Carlos Borromeo Scalabrinianas; Asociación Intermunicipal de Desarrollo y Vigilancia Social de Honduras (AIDEVISH); Asociación LGTB Arcoiris de Honduras; Asociación Nacional de Personas viviendo con SIDA (ASONAPVSIDA); Asociación para una Ciudadanía Participativa (ACI-PARTICIPA); CARITAS – Diócesis de San Pedro Sula; Centro de Derechos de Mujeres (CDM); Centro de Desarrollo Humano (CDH); Centro de Educación y Prevención en Salud, Sexualidad y Sida (CEPRES); Centro de Estudios de la Mujer Honduras (CEM-H); Centro de Estudios para la Democracia (CESPAD); Centro de Investigación y Promoción de Derechos Humanos (CIPRODEH); Centro para la Prevención, Tratamiento y Rehabilitación de Víctimas de la Tortura y sus Familiares (CPTRT); Colectivo Diamantes Limeños LGTB; Colectivo Gemas; Colectivo Unidad Color Rosa; Comité de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos de Honduras (COFADEH); Comité de Familiares de Migrantes Desaparecidos de El Progreso (COFAMIPRO); Comité por la Libre Expresión C-Libre; Convergencia por los Derechos Humanos de la Zona Nor Occidental; Crisálidas de Villanueva; Coordinación de Instituciones Privadas por las niñas, niños, adolescentes, jóvenes y sus derechos (COIPRODEN); Equipo de Monitoreo Independiente de Honduras (EMIH); Equipo de Reflexión, Investigación y Comunicación (ERIC-SJ); Feministas Universitarias; Familia Fransciscana de Honduras (JPIC); Frente Amplio del COPEMH; Foro de Mujeres por la Vida; Foro Nacional para las Migraciones (FONAMIH); Foro Social de la Deuda Externa y Desarrollo de Honduras (FOSDEH); Indignados Unidos por Honduras; JASS en Honduras; Movimiento Amplio por la Dignidad y la Justicia (MADJ); Movimiento Diversidad en Resistencia (MDR); Movimiento de Mujeres por la Paz “Visitación Padilla”; Observatorio Permanente de Derechos Humanos de El Aguán; Organismo Cristiano de Desarrollo Integral (OCDIH); Pastoral de Movilidad Humana de Honduras; Red de Mujeres Jóvenes de Cortés; Red de Mujeres Unidas de Colonia “Ramón Amaya Amador”; Red de Participación de Organizaciones de Sociedad Civil Siguatepeque (RPOSC); Red Nacional de Defensoras de Derechos Humanos en Honduras; Tribuna de Mujeres contra los Femicidios; Unión de Empresas y Organizaciones de Trabajadores del Campo (UTC – La Paz).

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