(Español Aqui)

The end of 2016 and 2017 have seen the adoption of Peace Accords between the Colombian government and the largest rebel group, FARC, and a new round of Peace Talks begun between the government and the smaller rebel group, ELN. At this point, the FARC has demobilized and is moving into designated “camps,” where they will live for an allotted amount of time before being free to relocate. They have been given the right to form a political party and run candidates for public office.

However, other armed groups who were not part of the Peace Accords still roam the countryside and are moving with their weapons into the spaces that the FARC used to control. These are the right-wing successors to the paramilitary groups that were supposedly dismantled ten years ago. Local people they terrorize say these newly named groups contain many of the same individuals who belonged to the former paramilitary groups. They also say that the national security forces do nothing to stop paramilitary violence, even when they are stationed nearby and are asked to do so.

These armed groups have often been deployed to further private interests on valuable land—for example, to violently displace communities of small landholders to provide free land for wealthy individuals or corporations to plant palm oil plantations. By 2017, over 6 million people had been violently displaced from their land in Colombia during the course of the 50+ year war.

Since December of 2016, these reorganized paramilitary groups have gone on a rampage, particularly in areas with African-descended and Indigenous populations, and killed hundreds of people. There is no peace, despite the Peace Accords, in the many areas where these groups are active. Without some commitment on the part of the Colombian government to disarm and dismantle these reorganized paramilitary groups, there will be no peace in Colombia. Nor will there be peace unless those in the paramilitary groups who have committed human rights violations are held to the same standards of justice as members of FARC during the period of transitional justice on the road to peace.

Before he left office, President Obama had promised $450 million to Colombia, much of it to be given to NGOs rather than the government, to support the implementation of the Peace Accords. While CRLN appreciated the diversion of military funds to funds for peace, we thought these funds would be better used if distributed directly to grassroots Colombian groups active in the local places where peace must be realized between former combatants on opposite sides in the war or between combatants from either side and civilian survivors of violence. That may be a moot point, as President Trump and his Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, have signaled that the US may withdraw support from Colombia’s peace process entirely. We must advocate for continuing support for the peace process, given its fragility and the challenges it faces.


CRLN will be in DC from April 21-24, visiting Illinois Representatives and Senators. Send your signature to D.C. with CRLN

by singing up HERE.

Our ask will be for funding to implement the Peace Accords in Colombia and for Colombian officials to dismantle paramilitaries still active in the country.​

For further reading, here are some recent articles on Colombia:

Amnesty International report on attacks in NW Colombia:


https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/03/colombia-spike-in-attacks-against-peace-community-shows-conflict-still-alive

Telesur article on paramilitary groups moving into territory left behind as FARC demobilizes:

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Paramilitary-Groups-Fight-To-Take-Over-Lands-Left-by-FARC-20170212-0040.html

Washington Office on Latin America on Colombian Congressional efforts to water down Peace Accords:

Colombia’s New Transitional Justice Law Violates the Spirit of the Peace Accords


NACLA (North American Congress on Latin America) on the importance of continued US-Colombia solidarity:


https://nacla.org/news/2017/02/07/continued-importance-us-colombia-solidarity-trump-era?platform=hootsuite&utm_content=buffer3fe1d&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

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(The New York Times did not print this letter from the Coalition Against Impunity, a group of Honduran civil society human rights organizations)

Re: How the Most Dangerous Place on Earth Got Safer

As the Coalition Against Impunity, a group of Honduran civil society human rights organizations, we strongly disagree that the impact of US aid is positive. Our experience on the ground shows thatviolence is rampant — and seriously underreported—and we still face high levels of impunity. For this reason, we recently sent a letter to the US Congress demanding suspension of aid to the Honduran State under the Alliance for Prosperity, due to the lack of political will to protect human rights.

Nazario’s opinion piece calls for more U.S. aid precisely when a group of 31 legislators led by Rep. Hank Johnson has presented the much-needed “Berta Caceres Human Rights in Honduras Act” to suspend all security aid to Honduras following Caceres’ assassination last March. Among those detained are two army officers, one on active duty.

To cite supposed progress in one neighborhood and deduce that US aid benefits our whole country is either careless or tendentious. The human rights crisis in Honduras will only improve when the US ceases to support a government that commits crimes against its own people with impunity and, rather than being sanctioned, is rewarded with millions of US taxpayer dollars.

The Coalition Against Impunity:

Asociación de Jóvenes en Movimiento (AJEM); Asociación de Jueces por la Democracia (AJD); Asociación de Mujeres Intibucanas Renovadas (AMIR); Asociación Feminista Trans (AFeT); Asociación FIAN Honduras; Asociación Hermanas Misioneras de San Carlos Borromeo Scalabrinianas; Asociación Intermunicipal de Desarrollo y Vigilancia Social de Honduras (AIDEVISH); Asociación LGTB Arcoiris de Honduras; Asociación Nacional de Personas viviendo con SIDA (ASONAPVSIDA); Asociación para una Ciudadanía Participativa (ACI-PARTICIPA); CARITAS – Diócesis de San Pedro Sula; Centro de Derechos de Mujeres (CDM); Centro de Desarrollo Humano (CDH); Centro de Educación y Prevención en Salud, Sexualidad y Sida (CEPRES); Centro de Estudios de la Mujer Honduras (CEM-H); Centro de Estudios para la Democracia (CESPAD); Centro de Investigación y Promoción de Derechos Humanos (CIPRODEH); Centro para la Prevención, Tratamiento y Rehabilitación de Víctimas de la Tortura y sus Familiares (CPTRT); Colectivo Diamantes Limeños LGTB; Colectivo Gemas; Colectivo Unidad Color Rosa; Comité de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos de Honduras (COFADEH); Comité de Familiares de Migrantes Desaparecidos de El Progreso (COFAMIPRO); Comité por la Libre Expresión C-Libre; Convergencia por los Derechos Humanos de la Zona Nor Occidental; Crisálidas de Villanueva; Coordinación de Instituciones Privadas por las niñas, niños, adolescentes, jóvenes y sus derechos (COIPRODEN); Equipo de Monitoreo Independiente de Honduras (EMIH); Equipo de Reflexión, Investigación y Comunicación (ERIC-SJ); Feministas Universitarias; Familia Fransciscana de Honduras (JPIC); Frente Amplio del COPEMH; Foro de Mujeres por la Vida; Foro Nacional para las Migraciones (FONAMIH); Foro Social de la Deuda Externa y Desarrollo de Honduras (FOSDEH); Indignados Unidos por Honduras; JASS en Honduras; Movimiento Amplio por la Dignidad y la Justicia (MADJ); Movimiento Diversidad en Resistencia (MDR); Movimiento de Mujeres por la Paz “Visitación Padilla”; Observatorio Permanente de Derechos Humanos de El Aguán; Organismo Cristiano de Desarrollo Integral (OCDIH); Pastoral de Movilidad Humana de Honduras; Red de Mujeres Jóvenes de Cortés; Red de Mujeres Unidas de Colonia “Ramón Amaya Amador”; Red de Participación de Organizaciones de Sociedad Civil Siguatepeque (RPOSC); Red Nacional de Defensoras de Derechos Humanos en Honduras; Tribuna de Mujeres contra los Femicidios; Unión de Empresas y Organizaciones de Trabajadores del Campo (UTC – La Paz).

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